[This was published in Dhaka Courier on 25
September 2014]
Can the Kingdom of Bhutan under
constitutional monarchy since 2008-- a landlocked country with an area of
approximately 38,394 square kilometers and a population of nearly 800000(eight
lacs) in South Asia located at the eastern end of the Himalayas and is bordered
to the north by China and to the south, east and west by India-- play role and
determine its standing with the head high in pride, not hung down in shame in
settling her border disputes with China in the context of India-China
Relations, two giant rivals in the Asian political landscapes? From practical
and strategic standpoints, it’s indeed a billion dollar question and,
therefore, responses lay in understanding, realizing and focusing, firstly,
Bhutan-India Relations and Bhutan-China Relations, secondly, India-China border
disputes and Bhutan-China border disputes, thirdly, Bhutan’s importance to
India and China from their respective stand and fourthly, Bhutan’s overall
standing to uphold, defend and protect her national interests while dealing with
China and India.
Factually
speaking,
understanding and cordiality between Bhutan and India started swelling through
the signing of first ever friendship Treaty in 1865 between Bhutan and British
India.. However, when Bhutan became a monarchy, British India was the first
country to recognize it and renewed the treaty in 1910. Under the wave of same altitude, Bhutan enlisted her name as
the first country to recognize Indian independence and renewed the age old
treaty with the new government in 1949,
including a clause that India would assist Bhutan in foreign relations.
Indo-Bhutan Friendship Treaty was substantially revised on 8 February 2007
during the rule of the Bhutanese King, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck. In the
Treaty of 1949 Article 2 read as "The Government of India undertakes to
exercise no interference in the internal administration of Bhutan. On its part
the Government of Bhutan agrees to be guided by the advice of the Government of
India in regard to its external relations." In the revised treaty this now
reads as, "In keeping with the abiding ties of close friendship and
cooperation between Bhutan and India, the Government of the Kingdom of Bhutan
and the Government of the Republic of India shall cooperate closely with each
other on issues relating to their national interests. Neither government shall
allow the use of its territory for activities harmful to the national security
and interest of the other." The revised treaty also includes in it the
preamble "Reaffirming their respect for each other's independence,
sovereignty and territorial integrity", an element that was absent in the
earlier version. The Indo-Bhutan Friendship Treaty of 2007 strengthens Bhutan's status as an independent and sovereign
nation. Since then, Bhutan-India Relations have been moving on the track of
mutual understanding and necessity in various moods and modes.
One of the major
attentions of Bhutan-India Relations is the international boundary between the
two states, which, from strategic and geo-political standpoints, causes serious
tension and panic for China from the revulsion that India feels that if
there is any border settlement between China and Bhutan that might go against
India since this will provide strategic privileges to China and, therefore, India is sensitive enough to influence
Bhutan for not settling China-Bhutan border disputes. Bhutan-India border is
699 km long, and adjoins the
Indian states of Assam (267 km), Arunachal Pradesh (217 km), West
Bengal (183 km), and Sikkim (32 km). The Treaty of Peace between
Britain and Bhutan demarcated the border in 1865, following the Bhutan War. The
boundary was further detailed and refined in the 1973-1984 period through talks
between Bhutan and India. Remaining disputes have been minor and concern part
of the border with Arunachal Pradesh, and the region between Sarbhang and
Geylegphug. The border between Bhutan and India is the only land access into
entering Bhutan, as the border with China is completely closed. The single
entry point for foreign nationals is between the towns of Jaigaon in the Indian
state of West Bengal and Phuntsholing, in South West Bhutan. India allows 16
entry and exit points for Bhutanese trade with other countries (the only
exception being the PRC).
Under these circumstances, India’s hold over
Bhutan gradually increased--- entailing defence and come what may not---and has
reached at such extent and point that Bhutan is now, one may agree or not,
almost a kind of dependent state within the fold of India doctrine
On the other hand, Bhutan and China, though neighbors, have not yet established
diplomatic relations as Bhutan, a strongly ally of India, had remained aloof
since 1951 from China after Beijing took firm control of Tibet, which shared
borders with Bhutan. Throughout history, Bhutan has had strong cultural,
historical, religious and economic connections to Tibet. Relations with Tibet
were strained when Bhutan sided with the British Empire in its war with Tibet.
For a brief period, the Republic of China officially maintained a territorial
claim on Bhutan. Unlike Tibet, Bhutan had no history of being under the
suzerainty of China, instead being under British suzerainty during the British
rule. With the increase in soldiers on the Chinese side of the Sino-Bhutanese
border after the 17-point agreement between the local Tibetan government and
the central government of China, Bhutan withdrew its representative from Lhasa.
Its border with China has never been officially recognized and demarcated and
the 1959 Tibetan Rebellion and the 14th Dalai Lama’s arrival in neighboring
ally India made the security of its border with China a necessity for Bhutan.
An estimated 6,000 Tibetans fled to Bhutan and were granted asylum, although
Bhutan subsequently closed its border to China, fearing more refugees.
Along with the occupation of Tibet, the
Chinese People's Liberation Army occupied eight western Tibetan enclaves under
Bhutanese administration. A Chinese map published in 1961 showed China claiming
territories in Bhutan. Incursions by Chinese soldiers and Tibetan herdsmen also
provoked tensions in Bhutan. Imposing a cross-border trade embargo and closing
the border, Bhutan established extensive military ties with India. During
the 1962 Sino-Indian War, Bhutanese authorities permitted Indian troop
movements through Bhutanese territory. However, India's defeat in the war
raised concerns about India's ability to defend Bhutan. Consequently, while
building its ties with India, Bhutan officially established a policy of
neutrality. One area where the Bhutan-China ties
are expanding is in the field of tourism. There were just 19 Chinese tourists
visited Bhutan in 2003. But since 2011, Chinese have become the third largest
category of tourists after Japan and the US in Bhutan
China shares 470 kilometers
contiguous borders with Bhutan. The part of China that borders Bhutan is
Tibet or the Xizang Autonomous Region which has important historical, cultural,
and religious ties to Bhutan. This is also close to India's "chicken's
neck"-- the narrow Siliguri Corridor—through which Mainland India is
linked via Aurunachal Pradesh with its Northeastern states. China considers
Arunachal Pradesh to be an inextricable part of Tibet’s “Monyul, Loyul and
Lower Tsayul” regions. China sticks to
the belief that the British Empire’s establishment of the McMahon line
illegally distorted what China perceives to be the “customary
boundary between China and India.” Arunachal Pradesh describes the territory
between the McMahon line — which India takes as its sovereign borders — and the
Chinese “customary boundary,” which is roughly equivalent to the borders of the
contemporary Indian state of Assam. A new vertical atlas of China, an update of
its official national map, issued by its Hunan Map Publishing House in the last
week of June 2014 showing India held disputed Arunachal Pradhesh and parts of
Jammu and Kashmir as the territory of China has raised further hullabaloo. It
also raised question if China sticking to the map will go for annexing the
territory that may lead to repetition of 1962 Indo-China war.
Further reality is Chumbi Valley with
an altitude of 3,000 meters (9,500 feet) is located in Tibet at the
intersection of India (Sikkim), Bhutan and China (Tibet) in the Himalayas. Two
main passes between India and China open up here: the Nathu La Pass and Jelep
La Pass. Administratively, the valley is in Yadong County of the Tibetan
Autonomous Region. In November 2007, Chinese forces had intruded into Bhutanese
territory and dismantled several unmanned posts near the Chumbi valley,
distorting the Sino-Bhutanese border near Sikkim. The move had alarmed New
Delhi because it brought the Chinese forces within just 500 kilometers of the
Siliguri Corridor or Chicken’s Neck, which connects the rest of India with the
Northeast and Nepal with Bhutan.
Bhutan's border with China is largely not
demarcated and thus disputed in some places. Approximately 269 square
kilometers remain under discussion between China and Bhutan According to
official statements; there are four disputed areas between Bhutan and China.
Starting from Doklam in the west, the border goes along the ridges from
Gamochen to Batangla, Sinchela, and down to the Amo Chhu. The disputed area in
Doklam covers 89 square kilometers (km2) and the disputed areas in
Sinchulumpa and Gieu cover about 180 km2. They signed an
agreement promising to "maintain peace and tranquility on the Bhutan-China
border areas," in 1998. The boundary
negotiations between the two governments are guided
by the Four Guiding Principles of 1988 and the 1998 Agreement on the
Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility in the Bhutan-China border areas. The
negotiations are going on since 1980s. Bhutan-China relations have remained
strained because of the dispute over their 470km border, which 22 rounds of
talks including the last one in August 2014 have failed to solve, and it is
believed that it happened so because of Thimphu’s close ties with New Delhi.
Beijing has offered Thimphu a deal: it wants Bhutan’s northwestern areas
in exchange for recognizing its claim to its central areas. However, the
northwestern areas lie next to Bhutan’s Chumbi valley, which is a tri-junction of the Bhutan, India and
China borders and is of immense geo-strategic importance to China as it borders
both Sikkim and Tibet. Any such
deal, therefore, will have massive strategic concerns for India. So, New Delhi,
as it has itself done with Beijing, favors Bhutan increasing its engagement
with China and possibly come to a satisfactory resolution of the border
dispute. India is not missing the sense of urgency that drives
Beijing’s Bhutan policy. Bhutan remains only neighbor with which China doesn’t
have diplomatic ties given that China has robust ties even with all neighbors
locked in territorial disputes, its economic ties with Bhutan is nothing to
write home about.
China
is planning to lay an extension line stretching
the Tibet railway from Lhasa to the borders of India, Nepal and Bhutan by
2020. This is apparently an attractive offer for Bhutan, which would like to
attract Chinese tourists but it carries red signal for India. It is further t
be noted that Former
Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao too had made a strong pitch to establish diplomatic
ties with Bhutan when he met his Bhutanese counterpart Jigmi Y Thinley on the
sidelines of a UN conference in Brazil in 2012. Bhutan’s willingness appears to
be much brighter and more positive in this regard.
The
basis of Indian apprehension in the ongoing Bhutan-China boundary talks is its
assessment that “China settles all boundary disputes on its own terms”. And
Thimpu doesn’t have the leverage to assert itself against a big power. Beijing
wants to expand its footprint on Chumbi valley, extending its claims on western
border. Any concession from Bhutan on that will have impact on the Siliguri
corridor, India’s gateway to north east. The disputed territory between Bhutan
and China also borders both Sikkim and Arunanchal Pradesh. Any compromise on
these areas will be very problematic for India, even as indications of Bhutan
giving concessions on these areas to settle the dispute in the central part
have come in.
Consequently, clear message to all is that
Indian Premier Narendra Modi’s visit to Bhutan was of prime importance in the
overall landscapes of India-Bhutan vis-a-vis Bhutan-China growing relations
pointedly related to the 22nd round of talks on border disputes and
settlement. India, having on head ‘India doctrine’—Monroe doctrine in Indian
perspective--shall never allow Bhutan to lean towards China. It is meanwhile
locked within the fold of India doctrine. Thus, Bhutan is not in a position to
stand against India (raise the head high in pride) while dealing with China.
Both history and geography tell her to be with India. Political parties in
Bhutan in particular PDP (People’s Democratic Party)
and DPT (Bhutan Peace and Prosperity Party) are loyal to India. One may
feel free to take it guaranteed that China cannot dominate Bhutan from afar.
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