[This article was published under the same
head on 4 June 2015 in Dhaka Courier, Bangladesh, and Bogota Free Planet in
South America and Burma Times in Myanmar]
From Bangladesh perspective, critics are of
the views that Bangladesh-India Relations are characterized markedly with the
saying ‘Regime security gains over State security’. It started embracing phase-1
from 1972 to 1975, although father of the nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman left no stone unturned nationally, regionally and internationally to
raise the head high in pride, not hung down in shame under the circumstances,
approving or not. Phase-2 worked
mostly being not too close to India on the one hand and on the other preferring
Pakistan friendly hemisphere under ‘hide and seek’ politico-diplomatic game
from the days of change-over of 15 August 1975 till the fall of HM Ershad on 06
December 1990. Phase-3 moved in a
very twisted mood and mode during Begum Khaleda Zia-led governments first from
1991 to 1996 and then from 2001 to 2006 that might be laid down in history as
allowing unprotected interference by Pakistan with the overall internal and
external affairs and policies of Bangladesh having aphorism ‘Indo-phobic
Bangladesh at the mass level and so-called India Friendly Bangladesh at the
government level’. And phase-4
unfurls inclination(intentionally, recklessly or inadvertently) towards India,
explainable or not, with the dictum ‘India-friendly Bangladesh both at mass and
government levels’ became eye-catching under Sheikh Hasina-led administrations
for the periods of 1996-2001, 2009-20014 and such trends are on more visibly
and meaningfully in meticulous after
elections to the 10th Parliament on 05 January 2014. This very write-up deal with the bi-lateral
issues and problems absolutely related to Bangladesh and India without having
any marginal multi-lateral, regional and international focus.
This was article published under the same
head on 4 June 2015 in Dhaka Courier, Bangladesh, and Bogota Free Planet in
South America and Burma Times in Myanmar
Foreign policy of Bangladesh mostly rotates
around issues and problems related to Bangladesh-India Relations because the
largest part of the issues and problems, past or present, lie therein.
Bangladesh is a kind of India-locked state since it is bordered by India on the
three fronts and it happened due to her
being prisoner of the tyranny of geography and this landscape has further been
affected for its being low-lying area of all the 54 rivers flowing from India.
For India, state of affairs is interestingly
tricky. After the partition of British India in 1947, East Bengal, later in
1954 renamed East Pakistan, became part of free and Independent Pakistan and
for which India instantly lost all free accesses and privileges to pass to
north eastern zone through East Pakistan. States in this zone cover an area of
255,511sq km, or about 7 percent of India's total area. They had a
population of 44.98 million in 2011, about 3.7 percent of India's total.
Although there is great ethnic and religious diversity within the seven states,
they also have similarities in political, social and economic contexts. Then as
Hobson’s choice it made a route through Shilliguri in West Bengal to
north-eastern zone through NAFA, later named Aurunachal Pradesh. This very
corridor came to be known as Shilliguri Corridor, which
is about 200 kilometers in length and 20 to 60 kilometers in width having the
shape of chicken’s neck, with the countries of Nepal and Bangladesh
lying on either side of the corridor. But this is not enough at all for India’s
overall interests in the north-eastern zone. Therefore, India positively needs
Bangladesh since it’s a broad-based strategic and commercial link between
Mainland of India through Passinbangla (former West Bengal) and its
northeastern zone now comprising the eight sisters having borders with Mizoram,
Meghalaya, Tripura and Assam. Furthermore, developed there insurgency movements
accompanied with free accesses of arms and ammunitions from outside. India
faced a war with China in 1962 centering the disputed land of Aurunachal, which
China claims as part of south Tibet negating the so-called McMahan Line of
Simla Accord in 1913-1914.
Again, the 1967 Sino-Indian skirmish, also known as the Chola incident, was a military
conflict between Indian troops and members of the Chinese People's Liberation
Army who had infiltrated on 1st October, 1967 in Sikkim, then a protectorate of
India. On 10 October, once again both sides had the conflict in Nathu la in
Sikkim. During whole conflict Indian losses were 88 killed, and 163 wounded,
while Chinese casualties were 300 killed and 450 wounded in Nathu la, and 40 in
Chola. The end of the battle saw the Chinese Army leave Sikkim that
subsequently joined India in 1975. Birth of Bangladesh added new optimisms and
opportunities in the very minds of Indian leaders and people mainly for India’s
direct standing by Bangladesh logistically, politically and militarily.
Therefore, for her birth, Bangladesh, unlike Pakistan, owes to India. Having
all such mathematics in right directions, Indian defense policy is now
revolving around Proactive defense strategy’—a kind of polish interpretation of
cold start doctrine unveiled in 2004—primarily against Pakistan extending to
China in course of time, if possible. It is one step forward to Sundarji doctrine (after the name of. General Krishnaswamy Sundarji who was
India's Chief of Army staff from 1986 to 1988).
Here lies the crux of all that paves the way
for both India and Bangladesh so that they may think pragmatically and come
closer for mutually rewarding understanding. No doubt, Hasina administrations,
despite all limitations, criticisms and negative approaches leveled against
her, succeeded in achieving a lot in the fields of land boundary settlement,
Issues related to all modes of communications, energy, water (Teesta issue is
expected to see the light in near future), border, trade and commerce and so
forth. Highly alleged involvements by the Bangladesh side in according
shelters, nursing and instigating insurgents in the north-eastern areas are no
more heard from Indian side. A sense of cordial atmosphere and
confidence-building between Bangladesh and India is now demonstratively felt
and understood. For all these, yes, initiatives and implementations came, and were
ensured first from Bangabandhu--ratification of the Land Boundary Agreement of 1974
by the Constitution (Third Amendment) Act of 1974, Bangladesh-- and his
daughter three times Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and India began to cooperate
and reciprocate afterward in a delayed mood and mode.
It is Sheikh Hasina who--applying the motto
of the foreign policy of Bangladesh ‘Friendship towards all, malice to none’ (art.145
of the Constitution of Bangladesh) ---has set an example to show the world at
large that it is also possible for her to have qualified understanding for
national interests with almost all the political parties and regimes in India
(One may differ otherwise having disagreeing landscapes in mind). Added
attention-grabbing is that successive regimes, Congress and BJP, and political
parties in India reciprocated her duly. By initiating moves to establish
contacts with the leaders and political parties in the north-eastern areas and
Passchimbangla, Sheikh Hasina exposed her acumen and prudence to the highest
order. Continuous practice of statesmanship made her acceptable at home and
abroad. Without a shade of doubt, she is now a statesman with all necessary
characteristics under Bangladesh perspective and model. Once she used Joyti
Bosu, then chief minister of Passchimbangla, in 1998 and anon she knocked at
the doors of the chief ministers of Assam, Tripura, Mizoram and Meghalaya who
visited Bangladesh as well. Her approach to play down Passchimbangla chief
minister iron-lady Momata Benarjee is, if truth be told, very stimulating and
appreciable on all counts. And this is
the approach that is called ‘Two-India Policy’, one she is playing with India
as a whole and the other she is playing with the bordering states of India as a
support-base both for India and Bangladesh as it is well-understood that India
is a federal state with powers and functions allocated between the federal unit
and provincial units by means of federal list, state list, concurrent list and
residuary powers.
Accordingly,
when a question of using a provincial list comes up, central government of
India has to deal with it delicately and convincingly. In a federal structure
it is, to speak the truth, a sort of bi-partisanship or multi-partisanship
between the federal government and federating unit/units (state/province) at
home before dealing an issue with a foreign state when the issue in question
remains in the federating unit list or
where the interest of a federating unit is virtually mixed up. It is indeed a taxing
undertaking when the governments concerned are not from the same party/alliance
or when more than one province gets involved. It happened in case of Ganges
water sharing treaty of 1998 and implementation of the land boundary agreement
of 1974 after a lapse of 41 years. Here lies the root of unavoidable appearance
and involvement of provincial government(s) in the foreign policy of India.
Sheikh Haina, unique it is, deserves to be congratulated for befittingly using
such device in bi-lateral relations. Let India should feel at no cost to
recognize such frame of mind and strength of Sheikh Hasina, who is entirely
aware of India’s role in and contribution to the liberation war leading to the
birth of Bangladesh.
Politically and diplomatically, it is better
for Bangladesh to embark upon ‘two India
policy’ , one with India in general and other with bordering states in
particular keeping in mind that later never has a chance to come up as an
obstacle to the former in the final end. It’s very intricate and precarious
initiatives that require constant alertness, viability, reliability and
reality. Future regimes in Bangladesh other than the AL’s should also be
careful of rewarding approach. I presume that Sheikh Hasina is at present a
matured statesman and she is capable enough to handle the landscapes, present
and/or future, bringing and ensuring plus points for Bangladesh while dealing
with India. Here she is entitled to be named ‘Bangabandhu plus’. Credits must
go to the leaders of Congress and BJP pointedly and as the top leaders both Sonia
Gandhi and Norendra Modi may heave a sigh of relief from their respective
standpoints.
Therefore, for more, negative or positive, we
have no choice but to rely on time, space and dimension with a vigilant notice
to the upcoming visit of Indian Premier Norendra Modi to Bangladesh from 6-7
June 2015 at the invitation of his counterpart in Bangladesh Prime Minister
Sheikh Hasina.
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