[The article was published in two
installments in Dhaka Courier on respectively 16 and 23 January 2014]
Is Monroe Doctrine dead or still operative in
any form and facade in US foreign policy? Answer readily available from
President Barack Obama’s Secretary of State John Kerry is ‘Monroe Doctrine is
dead’ and this very saying now also goes by the name ‘Kerry Doctrine’ (Secretary of State
John Kerry told this while delivering speech in the Organization of American
States in November 2013) while quite a lot of think-tanks, researchers,
educationists, media persons---print or electronic---, policy-makers and leaders
have noted cagily that Kerry's call for a mutual partnership with the other
countries in the Americas was more in keeping with Monroe's initial message
than with the policies that had been enacted long after Monroe's death.
Moreover, general perception in the air largely stands against Kerry’s stand.
Therefore, before embarking upon any well enough sustainable conclusions necessarily
arises here a focus on the spirit, appeal and necessity of Monroe Doctrine in
US perspective.
The Monroe
Doctrine was a policy of the United States came into being on December
2, 1823 through the Message of President James Monroe at the commencement of
the first session of the 18th Congress. In fact, the statement in the Message
was not included in the name of ‘Monroe Doctrine’. The term "Monroe
Doctrine" itself was coined later in 1850.
It stated that further efforts by European nations (Old world) to colonize
land or interfere with states in North or South America (New world) would be
viewed as acts of aggression, requiring U.S. intervention. At the same time,
the doctrine noted that the United States would neither interfere with existing
European colonies nor meddle in the internal concerns of European countries.
The Doctrine/declaration was issued at a time
when nearly all Latin American colonies
of Spain and Portugal had achieved or were at the point of gaining independence
from the Portuguese Empire and Spanish Empire; Peru consolidated their
independence in 1824, and Bolivia would become independent in 1825, leaving
only Cuba and Puerto Rico under Spanish
rule. The United States, working in agreement with Britain, wanted to
guarantee that no European power would move in.
The
full document of the Monroe Doctrine is long and embedded with diplomatic
lingo, but its real meaning is found in two key passages:
The first is the introductory
statement. ‘The occasion has been judged
proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the
United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and
independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not
to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers’
and
The second key passage, a fuller statement of the Doctrine, is addressed to the
"allied powers" of Europe (fingering at the Holy Alliance); it clarifies that the United States remains
neutral on existing European colonies in the Americas but is opposed to
"interpositions" that would create new colonies among the newly
independent Spanish American republics. ‘We owe it, therefore, to candor and to
the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to
declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their
system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety.
With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not
interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared
their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great
consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any
interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other
manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the
manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States’.
By the end of the nineteenth century,
Monroe's declaration became a defining moment in the foreign policy of the
United States as one of its longest-standing codes of belief. It was invoked by
many U.S. statesmen and several U.S. presidents, including Theodore Roosevelt, John
F. Kennedy (In the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, President John F. Kennedy cited the Monroe Doctrine as a basis for America's
"eyeball-to-eyeball" confrontation with the Soviet Union that had
embarked on a campaign to install ballistic missiles on Cuban soil), Lyndon B.
Johnson, Ronald Reagan, George Bush and many others. However, the policy became
deeply resented first by Latin American nations and then by the nations all
over the world for its overt interventionism
and perceived imperialism.
Curiously enough, since its coming into
birth, Monroe Doctrine has been being applied intentionally or recklessly or inadvertently
under compulsion or not by both Democrats and Republicans in various forms and
modes under the umbrella of geo-strategic inevitability captivating broad-based
political, economic, cultural and military vision and mission of America within
the fold and, consequently, in the milieu of time, space and dimension
remarkably got flashed the argots and drives as follows:
Manifest
Destiny and its enforcement under President James Knox Polk (1845-1849). It
is the far and wide held belief or doctrine, held
primarily in the middle and latter part of the 19th century that it was the
destiny of the
U.S. to expand its territory over the whole of North America and to broaden
and bump up its political, social, and economic influences.
The phrase is colored with scores of denotations and connotations in both
negative and positive perspectives. This variety of possible meanings was
summed up in 1980 in the book ‘Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America’s
Millennial Role’ by Ernest Lee Tuveson, who notes: ‘A vast complex of ideas,
policies, and actions is comprehended under the phrase "Manifest Destiny".
Historians by and large are of the opinion that there are three basic themes to
Manifest Destiny:
a. The special virtues of the American people
and their institutions;
b. America's mission to redeem and remake the
west in the image of agrarian America;
C .An irresistible destiny to accomplish this
essential duty by the Americans.
Credit
in public goes to journalist O'Sullivan who wrote an essay in 1845 entitled ‘Annexation in the Democratic
Review’, wherein he first used the phrase manifest
destiny and then On December 27, 1845, in his newspaper the ‘New York
Morning News’, O'Sullivan asserted addressed that ‘the United States had
the right to claim "the whole of Oregon and that claim is by the right of
our manifest destiny to overspread and to possess the whole of the continent
which Providence has given us for the development of the great experiment of
liberty and federated self-government entrusted to us’. O'Sullivan believed
that manifest destiny was a moral ideal (a "higher law") that
superseded other considerations. Initially Manifest Destiny could not draw the
attention at large. Drolly enough, the term became popular only after it was
criticized by Whig opponents of the Polk
administration. Despite all these criticisms, expansionists embraced the
phrase, which caught on so quickly that its origin was soon forgotten. Polk attached Manifest Destiny to the
Monroe Doctrine and used it to support expansion westward.
Secretary
of State James G. Blaine’s Big Brother
policy of 1880. The "Big Brother" policy was an extension of the
Monroe Doctrine formulated by James G. Blaine in the 1880s that aimed to rally
Latin American nations behind US leadership and to open their markets to US
traders. Blaine served as Secretary of State in 1881 in the cabinet of
President James A. Garfield and again from 1889 to 1892 in the cabinet of
President Benjamin Harrison. As a part of the policy, Blaine arranged and led
the First International Conference of American States in 1889;
President
Theodore Roosevelt Corollary of 1904.Since the United States began to
emerge as a world power, the Monroe Doctrine came to define a recognized sphere
of control that few dared to challenge. Before becoming president, Theodore
Roosevelt had proclaimed the rationale of the Monroe Doctrine in supporting
intervention in the Spanish colony of Cuba in 1898. On December 4, 1904 after
he became president for a second term and following the Venezuela Crisis of
1902–1903, President Theodore Roosevelt issued
his annual message called ‘State of the Union Address’ to Congress. Included in
the message was what would come to be known as the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe
Doctrine. This corollary asserted the right of the United States to intervene
in Latin America in cases of “flagrant and chronic wrongdoing by a Latin
American Nation”.
Woodrow
Wilson’s missionary diplomacy (1913-1921). It was Woodrow Wilson's
idea of the United States' moral responsibility to deny recognition to any
Latin American government that was viewed as hostile to American interests. It was also a sort of spreading out of Monroe
Doctrine.
"Missionary diplomacy" is a
descriptive tag over and over again applied to the policies and practices of
the United States in Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean during the
presidency of Woodrow Wilson (1913–1921). According to Arthur S.
"[Secretary of State William Jennings] Bryan and Wilson were both
fundamentally missionaries of democracy, driven by inner compulsions to give
other peoples the blessings of democracy and inspired by the confidence that
they knew better how to promote the peace and well-being of other countries
than did the leaders of those countries themselves." Wilson related both
missionary diplomacy and the New Freedom (The New Freedom envisaged a return to
free competition in the United States. The monopolistic interests had to be
destroyed at home and their influence in foreign policy dispelled, and thus
Wilson's initial rejection of "dollar diplomacy)."
Democracy, Wilson contemplated, was the most
Christian of governmental systems, suitable for all peoples. The democratic
United States thus had a moral mandate for world leadership and, hence, he
sounded by stating ‘World must be made free for democracy’. At the end of World
War I, he saw the League of Nations as an instrument for the application of
Wilsonian democracy on an international scale.
Clark Memorandum of 1928. The Clark Memorandum on the Monroe Doctrine
or 236-page Clark Memorandum,
written on December 17, 1928 by Calvin Coolidge’s undersecretary of state J.
Reuben Clark, concerned the United States' use of military force to intervene
in Latin American nations and concluded that the United States need not invoke
the Monroe Doctrine as a defense of its interventions in Latin America. The
Memorandum argued that the United. It was made public in 1930 during the Hoover
administration. Although sometimes viewed as an absolute refutation of the
Roosevelt Corollary, Clark was simply advancing his belief that the corollary
was separate from the Monroe Doctrine and that American intervention in Latin America, when necessary, was sanctioned
by U.S. rights as a sovereign nation, not by the Monroe Doctrine. It is in
true sense more than Monroe Doctrine.
President
Franklin Roosevelt’s (1933-1945) Good Neighbor policy. In a shot to
denounce past U.S. interventionism and subdue any subsequent fears of Latin
Americans, Roosevelt on March 4, 1933 announced during his inaugural address
that: "In the field of World policy, I would dedicate this nation to the
policy of the good neighbor, the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and,
because he does so, respects the rights of others, the neighbor who respects
his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a World
of neighbors." This position was affirmed by Cordell Hull,
Roosevelt's Secretary of State at a conference of American states in Montevideo
in December 1933. Hull said: "No country has the right to intervene in the
internal or external affairs of another". Roosevelt then confirmed the policy in
December of the same year: "The definite policy of the United States from
now on is one opposed to armed intervention.
Overall, the Roosevelt administration
expected that this new policy would create new economic opportunities in the
form of reciprocal trade agreements and reassert the influence of the United
States in Latin America; however, many Latin American governments were not
convinced. This doctrine was coined and applied with a view to winning the mind
of the states in Latin America just to save and uphold US trades and interests
there. It was not a departure from Monroe Doctrine. Rather a kind of strategic
stand was infused into the vein of Monroe Doctrine.
Harry S
Truman (1945-1953) Doctrine. World war two gave birth to new political landscapes in
Europe one is the rise and spread of communism led by USSR and the other being
financial crises in the capitalist bloc including Britain, which started losing
its leading role in continuing supports to the states in Western Europe
entailing in particular Greece and Turkey. To cope with the situation,
President Harry .H. Truman In a speech on March 12, 1947(what later became
known as the Truman Doctrine), stated that the U.S. would support Greece and Turkey
with economic and military aid to prevent them from falling into the Soviet sphere’.
Truman told Congress the policy was "to support free people who are
resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures. He
reasoned, as these "totalitarian regimes" coerced "free
peoples", they represented a threat to international peace and the
national security of the United States.
The Doctrine was informally extended to
become the basis of American Cold War policy throughout Europe and around the
world. It shifted American foreign policy toward the Soviet Union from détente
(a relaxation of tension) to a policy of containment of Soviet expansion as
advocated by diplomat George Kennan. With this doctrine, which was an extension
of Monroe Doctrine under the new circumstances, USA availed herself the golden
opportunity of poking nose formally into the affairs of Europe.
The Domino Theory. It was promoted at
times by the United States government and speculated that if one state in a
region came under the influence of communism, then the surrounding countries
would follow in a domino effect. Referring to communism in Indochina,
U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower
put the theory into words during an April 7, 1954 news conference: Finally, you
have broader considerations that might follow what you would call the
"falling domino" principle. You have a row of dominoes set up, you
knock over the first one, and what will happen to the last one is the certainty
that it will go over very quickly. So you could have a beginning of a
disintegration that would have the most profound influences. The domino theory
was used by successive United States administrations during the Cold War to
justify the need for American intervention around the world.
President
John F. Kennedy
In the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 heroically cited the Monroe Doctrine as a
basis for America's "eyeball-to-eyeball" confrontation with the
Soviet Union that had embarked on a campaign to install ballistic missiles on Cuban
soil. It is profoundly believed that the dividends of such application enhanced
and strengthened US interests in the Zone uniquely.
The Nixon Doctrine (also known as the Guam
Doctrine) was put forth during a "Silent Majority" speech in a
press conference in Guam on July 25, 1969 by U.S. President Richard Nixon.
According to Gregg Brazinsky, Nixon stated that "the United
States would assist in the defense and developments of allies and friends,"
but would not "undertake all the defense of the free nations of the
world." This doctrine meant that each ally nation was in charge of its own
security in general, but the United States would act as a nuclear umbrella when
requested. The Doctrine argued for the pursuit of peace through a partnership
with American allies. The Nixon Doctrine implied the intentions of Richard
Nixon shifting the direction on international policies in Asia, especially
aiming for "Vietnamization of the Vietnam War." Here a kind of
partnership was envisioned with allies so that US dominance as leader of
capitalistic bloc remained ongoing in the light of emerging challenges from
communism under USSR. This is also a readjustment with Monroe and Manifest
Doctrines in broader contexts.
The period of
President Ronald Regan from 1981 to 1989 is definitely noted as one of the
milestones for US foreign policy because rise and elevation of US to the
position of the leader of newly emerged uni-polar world was put into practice
during his time. To speak the truth, Monroe doctrine, whether was officially
uttered or not, was geared and applied with more colorful modes and manners
differently in the light of new challenges and dilemmas created by the march of
communism under USSR. Regan must take credit for his successes in uprooting the
communist foundation in USSR tearing it into a number of pieces (free and
sovereign states having almost non-communistic ideals and models) pulling
President Gorbachev unbelibably in his turn. This very stratagem later came to
be known as Reagan Doctrine. In
fact, it was a strategy orchestrated and implemented by the United
States under the Reagan Administration to oppose the global influence of the
Soviet Union during the final years of the Cold War. While the doctrine lasted
less than a decade, it was the centerpiece of United States foreign policy from
the early 1980s until the end of the Cold War in 1991.
Under
the Reagan Doctrine, the United States provided overt and covert aid to
anti-communist guerrillas and resistance movements in an effort to "roll
back" Soviet-backed communists governments in Africa, Asia, and Latin
America. The doctrine was designed to diminish Soviet influence in these
regions as part of the administration's overall Cold War strategy.
The
expression ‘Bush Doctrine’ was used
by Vice President Dick Cheney, in a June 2003 speech in which he said, "if
there is anyone in the world today who doubts the seriousness of the Bush
Doctrine, I would urge that person to consider the fate of the Taliban in
Afghanistan, and of Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq’. The Bush Doctrine implies a combination of
various related foreign policy principles of the 43rd President of the United
States, George W. Bush. The phrase was first used by Charles Krauthammer in
June 2001 to describe the Bush Administration's "unilaterally withdrawing
from the ABM treaty and rejecting the Kyoto protocol. After 9/11 the phrase
described the policy that the United States had the right to secure itself
against countries that harbor or give aid to terrorist groups, which was used
to justify the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan. Different pundits attribute different meanings to "the Bush
Doctrine", as it came to describe other elements, including the policy of preventive
war, which held that the United States should depose foreign regimes that
represented a potential threat to the security of the United States, even if
that threat was not immediate; a policy of spreading democracy around the
world, especially in the Middle East, as a strategy for combating terrorism;
and a willingness to unilaterally pursue U.S. military interests. Some of these
policies were codified in a National Security Council text entitled the National
Security Strategy of the United States published on September 20, 2002.
There is no denying the fact that Bush
Doctrine is a clear message to the world that USA has long been faithfully
carrying the assigned loads of Monroe and Manifest Doctrines in different forms
and dimensions under different circumstances to suit the very purposes of USA.
Barack Hussein Obama II is the 44th
and current President of the United States, and the first African American to
hold the office. In February and March 2009, Vice President Joe Biden and
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton made separate overseas trips to
announce a "new era" in U.S. foreign relations with Russia and
Europe, using the terms "break" and "reset" to signal major
changes from the policies of the preceding administration. Obama
attempted to reach out to Arab leaders by granting his first interview to an
Arab cable TV network, Al Arabiya.
Obama gave his first major foreign policy
speech of his campaign on April 23, 2007 to the Chicago Council on Global
Affairs, in which he outlined his foreign policy objectives, stressing five key
points:
"bringing a responsible end to this war
in Iraq and refocusing on the critical challenges in the broader region,"
"by building the first truly 21st
century military and showing wisdom in how we deploy it,"
"by marshalling a global effort to meet
a threat that rises above all others in urgency – securing, destroying, and
stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction,"
"rebuild and construct the alliances and
partnerships necessary to meet common challenges and confront common
threats", and
"while America can help others build
more secure societies, we must never forget that only the citizens of these
nations can sustain them."
During his campaign, Obama emphasized the
importance of diplomacy and development as tools to aid the U.S. in building
new and even stronger alliances, re-building broken relationships and repairing
the United States image abroad. In addition, he stated that one of his foreign
policy objectives was to combat global poverty, generate wealth and build
educated and healthy communities as a means to combat extremism. All these are
still on during his second term as President of USA as his defined mission,
although his vision for ‘Mightiest USA’ on earth remains ablaze all the time.
All
he did over the years from 2009 to till the date are not enough to prove his
state of standing to the commitments and avowed stands. He had lot of plus
points while the boxes of failures are also noticeable largely. His getting
Noble Peace Prize might be an impetus but he is definitely caught otherwise in
a vicious circle of Manifest Doctrine backed by Monroe Doctrine. America is
America and Obama is well aware of it.
All are more or less attempts to sustain,
lionize and invoke Monroe Doctrine
of 2 December 1823 by coining and forwarding necessary approaches, paradigms and
strategies tuning with time, space and dimension and all the forty three Presidents
starting from Gorge Washington to Barack Obama deserve to be held responsible, strictly
in proportion or not, for upholding, strengthening and consolidating the
‘Manifest Doctrine,’ which is more visionary, chauvinistic and imperialistic than
the Monroe Doctrine itself. Therefore, Kerry’s saying ‘Monroe Doctrine is dead’
does not carry credibility and viability from practical point of view. Rather
the unfolding truth is that the Monroe Doctrine shall continue since die under
various shades as the augury of the long-cherished ‘Manifest Destiny’ of the
United States of America.
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