PLD: Bangladesh perspective

[Part of this was published on 9 September 2011 in Dhaka Courier, Bangladesh]

PLD denote politics, leadership and development. Politics conceives, contains and bears both input and output of the welfare of the people, safeguarding territorial integrity upholding the sovereignty of a nation-state under all the circumstances, favorable or not (visit author’s article ‘Politics: Time, Space and Dimension’, 21 December 2011, Financial Express and also in www.sinhaearthblog.blogspot.com). Leadership in this context means playing a role as captain to put the loads, stocks and barrels of politics of a political party into practice with required vision and mission (visit author’s articles ‘Understanding the music of leadership’, 3 March 2011, New Nation and ‘Moot point is political leadership’, 27 May and 3 June 2011, Dhaka Courier and also in the ibid) and Development implies in today’s perspective sustainable development (visit author’s articles ‘Understanding the goals of development’, 11 October 2011, Daily New Nation and ‘Sustainable Development: Needs more for its sustainability’, 19 October 2011, Financial Express and also in the ibid). Therefore, politics, leadership and development are naturally tied to a texture of one whole and there is no denying the fact that the external standing of a country is usually shaped and reshaped, swelled and squeezed by the PLD at home. With such propositions in proper perspective, a possible focus on them may precisely be made in the context of the standing of today’s Bangladesh both internally and externally.

Sequence-1(State of politics)

Of course, with due care and respects to all the perspectives and dimensions, truth is that politics is a concept, which is atomic by nature. It develops and swells in the context of time, space and dimension in tune with the needs of the people and the sate concerned. It may, in fact, be viewed and anatomized as consisting of two essential elements, one is Object and the other is Subject. Subject(s) encompasses people at large from local to national to regional to international domains. Object(s) aims at the well-being of the people and upholding the sovereignty and security of the state in issue and to suit these steps to be taken are, firstly, to transform the objects into practice through determination of vision & mission matching with time. Here comes predominantly the questions of democracy, election, parliament, forms of government, domestic resources and their utilizations, science and technology, foreign policy, regional and international compacts and concerns since the world is today considered as a ‘global village’ indeed and so on paving the ways for necessary reforms. Focus on the areas of object(s) is an unending process. Some are dogged and explored while others are yet to be dogged and explored and in such progression politics get matured, cemented and consolidated. Keeping all these in mind in true perspective, overall political landscape in Bangladesh may as follows be taken into account.

Bangladesh came into being as a free and sovereign state in 1971through a nine month long war of liberation from the very yoke of Pakistan with a territory of 1, 47,570 square kilometers located between 20.43 to 26.38 degree in the North Latitude and 88.01 to 92.41 degree in the East Longitude in South Asia. Initially with a population of 75 million people (now stands at about 160 millions) she started her journey with multi-party Parliamentary System of Government as a secular, socialist free and sovereign nation-state outlawing politics based on religion. She met with one party socialistic rule of Presidential form of Government following the then Russian model through the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act of 1974; after a military coup in 1975 one party rule was replaced by a multi-party presidential democracy with a non-socialist and non-secular flavor leaning overwhelmingly towards Islam; she faced another martial law in 1982 and later Islam was adopted as state religion through the Constitution (Eighth Amendment) Act of 1989. After a civil upsurge on 6 December 1990, she again switched over to a multi-party Parliamentary democracy through the Constitution (Twelfth Amendment) Act of 1991. Then Bangladesh, after Hasina’s coming to power for a second term in 2008, curiously enough, embraced and adopted nationalism, socialism, secularism and multi-party democracy as fundamental principles following the spirit of the war of liberation reflected in the original constitution of 1972 without touching the ongoing continuance of Islam as state religion by the Constitution (Fifteenth Amendment) Act of 2011 and the process has been on till the date

Bangladesh is basically a widely acclaimed land of communal harmony, peace and tranquility. The majority of the population (almost 88%) constitutes Muslims and primarily Islam tempered with local characteristics governs the tradition and culture of the majority of the people. Islam has been incorporated in the Constitution as ‘state religion’ through the Constitution(Eighth Amendment) Act of 1987, which has further been affirmed in the Constitution(Fifteenth Amendment)Act of 2011, which following the original Constitution of Bangladesh in 1972, included secularism again ensuring guarantee of freedom of religion to the people belonging to other faiths and folds. Minority communities such as Hindus, Buddhists and Christians enjoy equal rights and privileges in almost every sphere. Co-existence of secularism and state religion is, of course, a unique, unprecedented device in the overall perspective of Bangladesh and there is no denying the fact that this very proposition strongly upholds the spirit and appeal of religion(s) in politics depending on time, space and dimension. While the overwhelming majority is ethnically homogeneous, Bangladesh with more than 25 different ethnic groups is also considered a multicultural society as the groups make up approximately 2% per cent of the total population.

Today, there are, in fact, almost all types of ideological roots of politics in Bangladesh ranging from extreme right to moderate to extreme left and at present the number of political parties---- registered or unregistered, marginal or potential---is not less than fifty. With an image of a moderate Muslim state in the eye of the world, Bangladesh is now an active member of UN and her strong voice is sounded and heard in almost all bi-lateral, regional and global forums.

Prevalence of ‘Three Ps’ (PPP).Truly speaking, from the point of view of politics Bangladesh may otherwise be viewed as a land of ‘Three Ps’(PPP)’ meaning ‘Poetic’ because of geographical location between 20.43 to 26.38 degree latitude in the north temperate zone and 88.01 to 92.41 degree in the East Longitude in South Asia having six seasons a year, which bring about from gradual to u-turn changes in the mind of the people mostly in a continuous process and thus causes laxity to a great extent to the texture of making and sticking to decision(s), determination and implementation, ‘Poor’ because of the weak economic standing, overpopulation leading to serious fall and short of employment opportunities, civic privileges and rise of resultant complexities in particular and ‘Political’ since the people are poetic and poor, they have a strong penchant for making almost everything political in their approach(s),demand(s) and realization(s). Bangladesh is, perhaps, the only or number one country where almost all the people of the age of understanding irrespective of gender, education, religion and culture are politically sensitive, aware, reactive and proactive.

Mushroom growth of political parties. There is a proverb in Bangla which loosely translates into: If you have two Bengali's you will have three political parties. This is kind of evidenced in the existence of over 100 political parties. Most of these are small, fringe parties formed mostly by a small coterie of like- minded intellectuals or politicians who usually have broken away from larger groupings. In fact, this happened unexpectedly during the days of Zia and Ershad because both of them sponsored, among others, so-called growth of pet-political parties in support of their regimes and political existence. This has come down to a minimum point after the re-introduction of Parliamentary democracy in 1991 and electoral reforms made by the Election Commission in particular.

In the midst of this confusing scene, there are 5 major political forces in the country. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and its allies form the right-of-center to conservative grouping in Bangladesh. The party is currently in power in Bangladesh. The current opposition is led by the Awami League (AL), which initially saw its birth as a socialistic organization but has now transformed into a center/center-left political stream. The extreme right or left, while not supported by a large fraction of the populace, are typified by having very dedicated followers. To the left are the pro-Soviet Bangladesh Communist Party, factions of the Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal, and other socialist groups advocating revolutionary change. To the right is a group of parties, including Jamaat e Islami and Islami Oikyo Jote, who calls for an increased role for Islam in public life. The fifth major pary is the party founded by ex-military ruler General Ershad, the Jatiyo Party (JP) is ideologically not too different from the AL or the BNP but operates independently (http://www.virtualbangladesh.com/bd_politics.html).

Disregard by the political parties as a whole to practice inner democracy being faithful to the respective constitution. This is not only making democracy non-functional but also squeezing the ways, routes, lanes and bye-lanes to the growth of new leadership, ideas, approaches and strategies even models in different areas of political parties and their front and associate wings and bodies. Here what the head of a party says or utters that’s considered as final and binding sermon (more powerful than a law) for the party concerned without leaving any scope for debates, discussions and criticisms. For a political party to be based on democratic norms, values, customs and traditions in authenticity after the spirit of the constitution of the party is still a day dream even if in black and white it styles and appears to be a model for a democracy. Authoritarian sort of leadership in disguise of so-called written, catchy and illuminating constitution of the party concerned is a reality as a result of which nepotism, favoritism and cronyism run high and continue unbridled trampling or sidetracking those who are almost committed, honest, tested and sacrificing on overall accounts. Yes, a new wave of adherence to inner democracy by the political parties has started following the recent reforms and initiatives stricken by the Election Commission.

Negation to the highly valued dictum ‘Country is greater than a party, a party is greater than a group and a group is greater than an individual’. In actual manifestations, in today’s Bangladesh leader is greater than a country, group is greater than a party and an individual is greater than a group and in the final estimation in practice it ultimately signifies that the leader of a party is the greatest of all; his interests prevail over all other interests even if taken and put together on a balance.

Continuation of politics of ‘yes’ or ‘no’ of the two major political parties is a matter of great concern in the politics of today’s Bangladesh. Crude reality is that politics of Bangladesh is nearly divided diagonally into two opposing camps one led by Sheikh Hasia under the umbrella of Awami League and the other is headed by Begum Khaleda Zia under the canopy of Bangladesh Nationalist Party. What one party proposes or supports even on a non-partisan and burning national issue, the other party rejects it out rightly. Neither logic nor even profound emotion prevails here and, therefore, giving birth to a viable political system is one of the leading needs of time.

But as ill luck would have it, we find and experience with the greatest concern that our political leaderships have for a long time been pursuing politics of confrontations, politics of no mutual confidence and respects, politics of no dialogue, politics of obstinacy, arrogance and outsmarting, politics of selfishness, favoritism and nepotism (cronyism), politics of boycott of parliament coupled with politics of strikes (hartals) for a prolonged period while in opposition, politics of lagging behind, not of moving ahead. Here, on the one hand, a party or coalition or junta in power carries a unique tradition of showing total disregards to the oppositions including the major opposition in parliament and, on the other, oppositions’ role is targeted mainly at saying outright ‘no’ to anything, good or bad, of the party or coalition in power. And thereby was born, and developed the maxim of ‘yes no’ in the politics of Bangladesh and thus, having been in-between them and Sisyphean nature of ongoing politics lives of the people have become chilies crushed between the compounding intransigencies of mortar and pestle.

It’s a suffocation, nay, strangulation for a democracy-loving population. The most tragic device in the confrontational politics of Bangladesh is that the people has diagonally been divided into two camps on the vital issue of nationalism one supporting Bengalese nationalism and the other stand by Bangladeshi nationalism. This music of division moves equally also at the government level with the rise and fall of the party or coalition or junta to and from power. Perhaps, Bangladesh is the only nation-state on earth facing such music of bifurcated nationalism. Because of this every sector, wing and sphere in the country is also divided emotionally or consciously as a result of which politics and politicization are getting bases everywhere from administration to prayer centers.

Students, youths, labors and professionals in the name of student politics, youth politics, labor politics, front or associate wings or bodies are mostly derailed or very much negative in nature in line with the politics of respective parent organization; the areas have been overshadowed by philistinism, cronyism, talism etc in a very disappointing mode and manner. Two unavoidable questions are now being talked heavily in today’s Bangladesh. One relates to the question of a necessity of student politics (which today is suppressing, trampling and negates the glorious past) and the other focuses on the necessity of teacher politics in the light of the ongoing state of affairs in the free and independent Bangladesh. Both of the politics being too much irresponsible for and irresponsive to the main goals and objectives of education together have generated a very unhygienic academic atmosphere in the academic institutions because of their blind allegiance to the respective parent political organizations. Interests of students, teachers and institutions are viewed not in their academic perspectives rather everything is made preferring issues and problems, national, regional and international, in line with instructions of the respective political parties, although such practice of politics is not allowed in private universities, which commenced operating from 1991. Manifestos and programs of these organizations bear testimony to this truth and reality.

Elected bodies in the campuses are less directed to deal with the problems and issues being confined or limited to the area concerned. In the name of leadership and blessings from the top of the political parties concerned so-called students ( irregular or non-regular)even at the age of 40-45(having family and issues) entered student politics. Instances are the presidents of Chatra League, an associate wing of AL, and JCD, an associate wing of BNP. As a result, chain of command in the academic institutions is totally shattered, or suffering from mal-functioning or in a state of dys-function. Since 1992, it has become an essential feature of the culture of student politics that only, only the student wing /wings of the ruling party/alliance should exist and continue in the campuses and they would determine and dominate almost everything within the boundaries ranging from allocation of seats in the halls to the supervision of tenders and so on. Likewise, appointments and promotions of teachers, selection of house-tutors and provosts of the halls are handled almost jointly by the ruling party’s student wing and teachers’ association. Even they have a say in appointing the VC in the respective area.

Appointment to the office of Vice Chancellor of a public university is guided by the University Ordinance of 1973.In case of an appointment of a VC of any public university a new provision, unlike the past one, had been made to the effect that it would be obligatory for the President of Bangladesh to appoint a professor VC from among the three names of a penal decided through direct elections by the electorate consisting of the teachers of the university concerned. The office of the VC of a public university has made subservient to the so-called democratic choice of ‘numerical strength’ instead of merit, integrity and academic records. Initially, it worked well but in course of time it became a threat to the overall standing of the office keeping the head in pride, not hung down in shames. The lists of the VCs of the public universities, starting from 1973 to 201(at present 35), bear evidences how the office was handled and used and how a VC became dependent on the association that voted him to the chair. This is indeed one of devastating signs in the field of higher education in Bangladesh.

There is no dearth of suspicion about taking immediate necessary steps either to bring ongoing nature of student politics under control or to ban student politics by making law or redefine student politics in new perspective with proper restrictions and limits. Recent reform made by Election Commission after a series of dialogues with the political parties regarding the formal status and attachment of the student wings of political parties are not being listened to in practice by the political parties at all. To keep teachers way from party politics within the academic hemisphere either political parties should voluntarily or consensually take initiatives or necessary laws should be made in consultations with the stakeholders and political parties. In case of university, University Ordinance of 1973 requires to be revisited. Politics being played by these two wings have not only polluted the overall academic atmosphere, but are also posing serious threats to the sincere, committed efforts to build up a promising, dedicated, sacrificing generation to meet with the challenges of future in an environment of a global village based on science and technology in particular.

Growth and development of the politics of alliance strikes a departure from two dominant parties. Centering primarily presidential election by the people (direct election) held on 3 June1978, first of its kind in Bangladesh after independence, during the martial law regime of Ziaur Rahman, coalition/alliance politics began to grow and develop in the politics of Bangladesh with the formation of.Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Front in support of Zia and Ganatantrik Oikkya Jote in favor of MAG Osmani, Chief of Army during the war of liberation; it became visible during the elections to 2^nd Parliament in 1979; it appeared sarcastically but formidably in 1989 when the so-called midterm elections to the 4^th Parliament widely called a Parliament without voters (electorate) took place during the regime of Ershad. It was due to the naked and rampant operation of the concept and slogan of Gunda (hooligan), Honda (a kind of motor vehicle), and Monda (explosive) that signified that instead of voters, one needs only three things namely, hooligans, vehicles and explosives (arms in a broader sense) and hooligans to win a chair of any representative character from village to union to upzila to parliament. Against this backdrop, later in the mid of 1990 originated the concept and slogan of ‘ Amar vote ami debo, jakei kushi takei debo, (let me freely cast my vote to whomever I like)’. Such growth of alliance is basically aimed at going to power or retaining in power rather than a broad-based program to run a government consensually since it is found that the leading party in the alliance if voted to power, hardly cares the allied parties such as Khelada Zia’s alliance governments in 1991-1996 and 2001-2006 and Hasina’s government by consensus in 1996-2001 and her current government by grand alliance voted to power in 2008.

Absence of national consensus on major issues, internal or external between or among the leading political parties inside and/or outside the Parliament is still a marked feature. Birth of the politics of alliance are indeed a landmark addition, which was at the initial phase temporary in goals, nature and existence mostly based on electoral purposes in the direct presidential election in 1978 and elections to the 2^nd Parliament in 1979; a kind of pet-alliance by ASM Rob emerged consisting of mushroom growth of so-called political parties just before the elections to the 3^rd Parliament otherwise called Parliament without voters’ verdict or voter less Parliament. The very purpose of the alliance was not to strengthen the democratic process but to give validity to the so-called elections; it got momentum with the formation of 7-party alliance led by BNP in 1986 and 15-party alliance led by AL in 1989;unlike the electoral alliance, these were based on the concept of movement against the party-in power; final vigor and spirit were infused into it through the formation of 7-point formula aimed, inter alia, at the fall of Ershad government and restoration of Parliamentary democracy. To our utter surprise, this formula, which could have been the basis of national consensus, was not carried sincerely and faithfully by the successive governments; rather each of them made necessary adaptations to suit its own goal and agenda.

Alliance politics started playing vital role in the elections to the 4^th Parliament since1991 and Bangladesh for the first time in her history as free and sovereign state met with a government by alliance headed by Begum Khaleda Zia in the sense of a government not with a participation in the cabinet rather with a support of Jamaat-e-Islami. In fact, in the elections, BNP got 140(31%) seats while AL begged 88(28%) AL-Alliance won 11, JP secured 35(12%) and Jamaat secured 18(6%) and a hung Parliament was born. To form a government a simple majority of 151 out of 300 seats in the Parliament (plus 30 reserved seats for women to be elected by the majority members of Parliament but these reserved seats shall not be counted as ‘voting strength ‘in forming a government) is a precondition; neither BNP nor AL was in a position to comply with this. Later BNP through a hectic lobbying reached at the desired position with the support of Jamaat and thus the government headed by Khaleda Zia came into being on 23^rd March 1991.

Hasina’s government by consensus in 1996-2001 was the first to accommodate a partner from the alliance as a cabinet minister (ASM Rob of JSD [Rob]). In 2001 Khaleda Zia formed government of four party alliance taking Jamaat’s Ameer MoulanaMotiur Rahman Nizami and its Secretary General Ali Ashan Mojaheed as cabinet colleagues from the partners to the alliance. This time Jamat as an alliance partner played visible role in influencing the decision of the government.

Elections to the 9^th Parliament was fought largely between the two major alliances AL and BNP. Major issues, among others, which dominated the politics, included the ideological and corruptions issues.JP led by Ershad became a determining factor in the pre-electoral political landscape and it sided with AL. Interesting to note is that AL alone begged 220 seats in the elections and, like BNP in the 8^th Parliament, emerged as the brute majority party. Hasina formed the government of grand alliance taking more GM Quader, Nurul Islam Nahid and Delip Borua as cabinet ministers from three parties to the alliance and provided Rashad Khan Menon, President of Workers Party, Hasanual Haque Inu, President of JSD (Inu), Barister Anisual Islam Mahamud, a leader of JP, as Chairmen of three Parliamentary Standing Committees. From the standpoint of the share of the partners to the alliance, it is broader in context and content in comparison with the immediate past two alliance regimes.

But in all cases neither there was true consensus on broad-based national issues and needs--short, mid or long term-- between or among the partners to the alliances in the past nor it is found to have any such standing at present. The only target was or is to capture or retain power anyhow. This is more evident from dissatisfactions and allegations being expressed and sounded from time to time by Hasina’s government by grand alliance’s partners like Ershad, Inu and Menon that ‘Hasina does not care even listen to what they say and propose from national interests and perspectives’. They termed it as the government by AL in the name of alliance. It means essence of programs made together by the parties to the alliance is being ignored and set aside by AL after having been voted to power. Almost identical phenomenon is sharp and available in the alliance of the opposition where the voice of BNP stands above all other stakeholders and everything rotates around BNP and Khaleda Zia in meticulous. Hence, the very basis of alliance either in opposition or in government suffers from serious defects, flaws and inherent limitations. Reality further unfolds that both AL and BNP being the leading voice in the respective zone of alliance venture to make alliance as strategic and opportunistic means to reach at the target.

When there is a kind of consensus on major burning national issues, which is, of course, not a real one, but only aims at either realizing demands from a government/party in-power or toppling it or retaining power among the parties to the alliance, ruling or opposition, the matter is very much disappointing even in the minimum in case of building a frame for national consensus on major burning issues, internal and external, between or among the major political parties or alliances in particular between AL and BNP. The extent of widening chasm between Khaleda and Hasina may be well understood from the fact that Bangladesh, perhaps, is the only country where leader of the house (at the same time being Prime Minister and Chief of the party) and the leader of the opposition(concurrently the Head of her party) neither talk to each other nor attend a social or religious occasion or even a state ceremony together nor they say hallo on the occasion of Eid-ul-fitre and Eid- ul- Azha nor they do care to use respectful and becoming words while criticizing each other as if an unbreakable and inaccessible iron wall has been erected before them. The nation experienced with a great shock that Khaleda Zia, then Prime Minister, did not feel (at least on humanitarian ground) to visit Hasina after the latter escaped almost certain death having serious injury in the ears in the great bomb explosion (apparently planted and exploded to kill her along with a number of leaders of AL) while speaking at a mammoth public meeting on 21 August 2004 in front of the AL’s office at Gulistan. Such extreme egoism leading to hostilities, with or without reasons, between them resultantly initiated strong currents and streams of aloofness in almost all respects between or among the activists, ranks and files of the two parties. How can a multi-party democracy run and national interests be upheld and saved under these circumstances?

More wonder is that a defeat in elections to Parliament is convincingly and dogmatically viewed as ‘a kind of riggings, not a mandate of the electorate’ whether under Party/alliance-run government or Non-Party, Neutral Care-Taker Government. As of today, nine Parliamentary Elections were held in 1973, 1979, 1986, 1988,1991,12 June1996, 2001 and 29 December 2008, three Presidential Elections in 1978, 1981 and 1986 under Presidential management (There was no scope to raise the question of rigging in the Presidential Elections held in 1973, 1991, 1996, 2001, 2002 and 2009 under Parliamentary management since it was a foregone conclusion that the very chair would go to the majority party in Parliament) and 3 Referendums in 1977, 1985 and 1991. In all cases parties defeated in the elections term the results as a kind of conspiracy or massive or invisible riggings.

Here the great truth is that, perhaps, a sort of phobia haunts the very minds of the opposition political parties because of their impregnation with an impression that once consensus taking good stocks of all is established and recognized, the party/alliance -in-power must leave no stone unturned to focus and uphold this as a Himalayan political victory, to use it as a weapon in the next electoral race. Because once such consensus is achieved, the immediate beneficiary shall be the party/alliance in power since with this in force the very basis of negative politics, a missile on the hands of the oppositions, shall come down to the lowest ebb with an introduction of a new era of unity and development.

Equally is the mindset of the leaders of the party/alliance in power who rarely feel to take the opposition into confidence in running the government. Their phobia is that once a consensus call is made, opposition parties shall come forward with tons of recommendations, realistic or not, with a view only to embarrassing the government, not to making a consensus at all. Therefore, they feel it better to move and continue with the electoral manifesto as a dependable mandate from the people. Here comes the dominance of the conflicting stands of yes or no, oft-quoted saying in the politics of Bangladesh( for more see the author’s article ‘Three-phase national consensus: Bangladesh perspective’ in www.sinhaearthblog.blogspot.com).

Boycott of session(s) of Parliament even on a lame excuse that makes a Parliament virtually inoperative without presence and role of the major opposition. It was highly expected that the re-introduction of Parliamentary democracy would also pave the way for creating a congenial atmosphere for a vibrant Parliament where both the treasury bench and the opposition considering it right place for finding and determining best possible ways and means to reconcile and solve issues and problems of local, national, regional or international dimension through debates, discussions and counter-proposals and thus contribute to the best of their efforts and intelligence. ‘Before taking office, MPs-elected 'solemnly' swear to 'faithfully' discharge their duties and also not to allow 'personal interests' to influence discharge of the duties. In the constitution, the words 'solemnly', 'faithfully' and 'personal interests' are stated in the form of oath of MPs, demonstrating the importance and significance of the duties to be discharged by them.

According to the constitution, MPs will make new laws, and amend, repeal or modify the existing ones to make them time befitting. They will also look into whether the existing laws are enforced properly or not and will also oversee the executive's functions.

They will engage in debates and discussions on issues which are nationally important in parliament to prepare or pave the way for preparing better policies to lead the nation forward, and also find out solutions to the problem, if there is any. With their efforts, they will make the parliament the country's supreme law making an oversight institution, and the focal point of all political activities as well.

Considering solemnity and sensitivity of their duties, the constitution offers them great immunity -- an MP will not be liable to proceedings in any court in respect of anything said, or any vote given by him in parliament or in any committee thereof. The parliament itself determines their remuneration and allowances that are free from tax, and it may determine other privileges for them.

Therefore, MPs must join sessions of parliament and also meetings of its different committees to discharge the constitutional duties. They are bound by oath to do it and there can be no excuse in defence of refraining from joining parliament day after day (Boycott culture crippling parliament by Shakhawat Liton, 23 February 2010, Daily Star).

But, as ill luck would have it, such expectations remain mere expectations as of today because of politics of arrogance, intransigence, disrespects, intolerance and non-cooperation continuing between the two leading petticoat political parties AL and BNP . This has further deteriorated to such an extent wherefrom originated and developed a culture of boycott of session(s) of Parliament, starting from the days of restoration of parliamentary democracy from 1991-2011, making this august house inoperative, worthless and useless

Yes, it is on record that ‘since the restoration of the parliamentary system of governance in 1991, the MPs in opposition seemed to have forgotten their oath. They have been showing various excuses to justify boycott the parliament day after day. In their bid to counter the ruling party's 'winner takes all' attitude, they have been holding parliament 'hostage' to realize their demands, most of which are related to their personal and partisan interests.

For example the main opposition, BNP, has been boycotting the current parliament since its second session in June with the demands for increasing their seats in the front row, withdrawal of cases filed against opposition leader Khaleda Zia and her son Tarique Rahman.

Sticking to their guns, the opposition lawmakers boycotted around half the total sittings of parliament in the last 19 years. Since 1991 to November 5, 2009, the parliaments including the current one had 1,241 sittings while the opposition lawmakers boycotted as many as 584 sittings. Nearly half the business of parliaments was transacted without participation of opposition lawmakers, who dodged their duties and betrayed the people's expectations.

The culture was born in the fifth parliament when the then opposition Awami League started boycotting parliament to realise their demands. The then AL lawmakers boycotted 135 out of 400 sittings of the fifth parliament. Interestingly, the boycott resulted in introduction of an undemocratic government -- caretaker government system -- for around three months to hold the parliamentary elections.

The then ruling BNP's mentality to abuse state power to ensure victory in the election contributed to drumming up people's support for the demand to constitute the caretaker government system. Misuse of state power for manipulating the elections began in Magura by-election and which got momentum in the February 15, 1996 parliamentary polls boycotted by other major political parties.

Through the February 15 parliamentary polls, the sixth parliament was constituted. But it had a life of only 11 days to amend the constitution and introduce the caretaker government system.

The seventh parliamentary election was held on June 12, 1996 under the caretaker government and a new parliament was constituted. The parliament boycott culture, which was born in the fifth parliament, got a fresh impetus in the seventh parliament when the then main opposition BNP started boycotting parliament. They boycotted 163 out of total 382 sittings of the seventh parliament between 1996-2001.

In the seventh parliament, the then ruling AL, which had given birth to the culture in the fifth parliament, had a strong voice against parliament boycott. But when the AL again found itself in the opposition bench in the eighth parliament, it set another example of boycotting parliament from the beginning of the new House.

It did not join the inaugural session, making the eighth parliament unlucky compared to the fifth and seventh parliament that began journey with the presence of the then main opposition lawmakers.

The AL lawmakers remained absent from 70 consecutive sittings since the beginning of the new parliament. They joined the parliamentary committees after around three years. Raising different issues, and in protest of the then ruling BNP's refusal to allow discussions on important national issues, the AL started boycotting the parliament. They boycotted 223 out of 373 sittings of the eighth parliament, between 2002-2006.

Amid boycott of the then main opposition lawmakers, the eighth parliament was dissolved on October 27, 2006, without resolving the political crisis over the appointment of chief adviser to the caretaker government. The political situation became further volatile.

In the face of political turmoil, the then president, Iajuddin Ahmed, declared the state of emergency on January 11, 2007, suspending the January 22 parliamentary polls. The state of emergency installed a caretaker government backed by the army. The nearly two years of eventful rule of the caretaker government put a break to the journey of democracy since 1991. The un-elected government's rule came to an end with the holding of the December 29 parliamentary election.

The ninth parliament began its journey on January 25 with the presence of main opposition BNP lawmakers. Their presence on the inaugural day of the new parliament raised the hope for changes in the political culture, particularly parliament boycott. Political analysts had earlier predicted a change in the political culture due to bitter experiences gathered during the immediate past un-elected government's long rule. But the culture did not disappear from the political landscape. 'No compromise' attitude of the ruling and main opposition party brought back the negative culture within a few days after the new parliament's journey

BNP lawmakers boycotted 16 out of 39 sittings of first session of the ninth parliament. And they opted to continue the boycott from the second session in June and they didn't join the third session as well. The result is that the opposition lawmakers in the last year boycotted three-fourth sittings of the new parliament that had 86 sittings, out of which the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami lawmakers joined only 23.

The policymakers of the two archrivals -- AL and BNP, very often blame each other for the situation. When in the treasury bench, these political parties claim that the boycotting opposition is being irresponsible by not attending parliament. The same parties, when in the opposition, blame the treasury bench for compelling them to stay away from the House proceedings.

But enough is enough. People are tired of negative politics. The AL and the BNP that have been dominating the parliaments since 1991 should now admit that they have failed to deliver on people's expectations. They should minimize the gaps by any means and make parliament functional literally.

In that case, the ruling AL should come up with an open mind to transform the political culture as it pledged in its electoral manifesto entitled the "Charter for change." It also pledged to formulate a consensual code for political behavior. But the party has yet to take any step in that direction.

So, the AL must ring the bell.

Parliament boycott culture must come to an end right now. Enactment of a new law is not required, what is necessary is sincerity of the parties concerned -- AL and BNP. And MPs must faithfully discharge their duties and not allow personal interests to influence their job. Without question, until the parliament is made effective, no significant change in governance will take place (Ibid).

Parliament mostly remains dull. Neither the ruling nor the opposition in parliament recognizes in action that Parliament comprises of Treasury Bench, Opposition and President, which is a highly-valued legal foundation in a parliamentary democracy. Neither the office of the President nor the office of the Prime Minister nor the office of the Leader of the Opposition in Parliament has yet been established and respected as a viable politico-legal institution. Political parties and Parliament are yet to have a sustainable shape as people-oriented political institutions. Leaderships either in politics or in parliament or in government are not growing aptly with knowledge and experiences of time and beyond to understand, realize and face the challenges, present or future, with honesty, firmness, dedications, commitments and sacrifices. Unfortunate to the spirit of the war of liberation and independence, power-centered politics with shameless expectations of having more and more, not giving more and more, is getting deeply engrossed in the soil of Bangladesh. Consequently, every sector, be it economic, or industrial, or social, or cultural, or educational, or religious, or judicial, or legislative, or executive, is in a great hysteria and fractured setting passing all the time signals of on the spot gains, moment’s satisfaction and come what may not.

In the name of system of democratic government under the facade of Presidential or Parliamentary system, to speak the truth, naked reality tells us about the present of Presidential dictatorship in the past and Prime Ministerial dictatorship at present (The Prime Minister, under the Parliamentary system in Bangladesh, is no more ‘a first among the equals’ but virtually is the most powerful person in the government. Because of this reason, the Parliamentary system of government is often referred to as a ‘Prime Ministerial government’). Concentration of powers in the single hand with regard to party, parliament and government has virtually put every field in a state of deadlock making further the holder a ‘Totalitarian’ in its new mode of version and analysis. Regrettably! all are the results of the absence of actual practice of democratic provisions inserted in the respective constitution. Consequently, leader is above all. What he/she says, feels and thinks that’s law, whether it is in consonance with established rules, regulations and laws. To stand in opposition amounts to gross violation that may call for unexpected and untimely departure either from entrenched position or from the party concerned. Criticism is taken as speaking ill of leader/leaders. It cannot but treated as one of the leading debacles for inviting and cementing malfunction or dysfunction of the system as a whole.

Since the introduction of Parliamentary democracy in 199, to the dismay of the people, it has become a tradition for both the ruling and opposition in Parliament to raise hands for and/or against passing a bill without lively, thoughtful discussions, debates and arguments, which has made the sessions dull, unattractive and useless as well. Article 70(1) of the Constitution and so-called iron rule in the name of whipping in the respective Parliamentary party keeps hanging, necessarily or unnecessarily, over the heads of the MPs while in the house.

Selling of nominations by parties to contest elections to national and local bodies is newly developed phenomenon. To speak the truth, this trend began dimly from the days of martial law regimes of Zia and was geared up during Ershad’s regime. Ironically enough, it had had a new vibration after the restoration of parliamentary democracy in 1991 and today it is well entrenched as a possible source of income for major parties, leaders at various stations. As a result so-called industrialists, businessmen, traders, contractors and black-money holders and so forth, to our utter surprise, suppressing and sidelining tested sacrificing, dedicated and patriotic political activists of various positions and dimensions in the respective party, have emerged as the most dominating factor in the politics of Bangladesh with their presence almost everywhere from Local bodies to Parliament to Council of Ministers.

Rapidly rising of rate of participation of women in politics, elections and statecraft is remarkable indeed. According to the fifth national census (March 2011) taken by Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) the population of Bangladesh stands at 142.319 million. The ratio between males and females are almost equal comprising 71.255 million and 71.064 million males and females respectively. But in reality standing between the two, if due attention is paid to other statistics from various sources, is that women constitute 52% percent with 90 million in number out of the total population of 160 millions. Women’s taking part in politics, visibly starting from the mid 80’s, has reached at such a point that today all most all political parties and their front and associate wings in Bangladesh cannot but provide rooms for their accommodations including the highest policy and decision making bodies like standing committee or presidium. Women’s participation in voting and elections, direct or indirect, is on a rise remarkably. According to the Daily Star Democracy Poll, 86% of women voted in the elections to the 9^th Parliament. A staggering 89.9% believe that they can make a difference through the power of the ballot. The election was hailed as a ‘coming of age’ of women, where the Election Commission pulled off an effective campaign giving women not only the confidence to vote, but also to vote the way they wanted to without influence by male family members. The survey shows that almost equal number of men (42.3%) and women (40.7%) believe that they have the freedom to participate in political activities and speak their mind (Gendered patterned in voting and political participation by Mahira Khalid and Ipshita Basu, 19 January 2012, Daily Star).

Truly speaking; women were first elected to local bodies in 1973. The Union Parishad Election of 1997 is a milestone in the history of political empowerment of women in Bangladesh. The Government of Bangladesh enacted a law for direct elections to reserve seats for women in local level elections. In 1997 through an Act, the Government reserved three seats for women in the union parishad where women members are elected from each of the three respective wards. Apart from the reserved seats women can also contest for any of the general seats. Previously, the process of selection of the women representatives was on the basis of nominations and/or indirect election. Around 12,828 women were elected as members in the 1997 local level elections. A total of 20 and 110 women were elected as chairpersons and members, respectively, for general seats. The Government has already issued different executive orders to ensure women members’ participation in various decision-making committees.

Election to the local bodies from ward to union to upzila in rural areas and from ward to municipality/city corporation in urban areas show that a huge number of women have been elected to these bodies in the recent elections. More alluring to see is women are getting elected to upzia parishads as vice-chairmen against 464 reserved seats in the last elections. More alluring to see is that one of two vice-chairmen of upzila parishad is reserved for a woman to be elected through direct election by the electorate, which further makes 462 female elected vice chairmen a reality in the existing 464 upzila.

Reserved seats for women in Parliament ( to be elected by the majority MPs,) gradually increased from 15 in 1973 to 50 in 2011 and in the last elections to Parliament in 2008 more than 20 women, partisan or independent, fought from different constituencies and 8 were elected. It is believed that women’s participation in direct elections shall be a matter of great interest in the coming days. There is also a strong view in the political circles that at least 20-25% nominations of a political party should be kept reserved for female candidates and if the matter gets matured and settled politically or constitutionally then a new era of women’s participation in the elections to Parliament will dawn in the politico-parliamentary firmament of Bangladesh. Two leading political parties in Bangladesh AL and BNP are under the leaderships of two ladies, Sheikh Hasina and Khalada Zia, for which these parties also came to be known as petticoat parties. Deputy leader of the House Sajeda Chowdhuryalso is a woman.

Above all, increase of the induction of women in the Council of Ministers from state to cabinet ministers, now five in number in the incumbent Hasina’s administration, must be taken as a one step forward in comparison with immediate past one by Begum Khaleda Zia in 2001-2006 in this regard. Although two women Prime Ministers have headed the Government during the last twenty years and the leaders of the opposition in Parliament were also women, this does not reflect the gender composition of participation and decision making at the highest policy level. At the ministerial level, women’s representation has never risen above 3 percent.

Before 1996, women were never given full responsibility over any important ministry. Apart from being Prime Minister, others were state or deputy ministers responsible for insignificant ministries such as Culture, Social Welfare, and Women. Currently one woman Minister, who had become a Member of Parliament in 1991 and 1996 through direct elections, is responsible for a ministry, i.e., Agriculture. Another woman minister is responsible for the Ministry of Forest and Environment. Similar phenomenon is well manifested in the fields of administration, police, defence forces and judiciary. On all accounts, it bears a testimony to the rise of the empowerment of women in the overall landscapes of Bangladesh.

Lack of pragmatic and bold initiatives and determinations to create and maintain a balance between political development and economic development in tune with regional and international environments for which sustainable development still remains a far cry in actuality.

Role of religion in the politics of Bangladesh is a reality, As the majority of the people belong to Islam and Islam has constitutionally been incorporated as state religion within the frame of secularism, which is, of course, a unique compromise in the conceptual understanding of secularism, abundance of political parties along the line of Islam is easily felt and understood here. There are some militant factions, open or underground, but communal harmony, with few segmented exceptions, is upheld to the highest order. People of other religions namely Hindus, now constitute 12% of the population, Buddhists and Christians, marginal components to the population, are by and large attached actively with AL and BNP. But Hindus’ inclination towards AL is a historic reality for which it is said that they are one of the fixed vote banks for AL.

Increasing velocity of people’s disinterest in politics and dislike to political leaders and activists may rightly be earmarked as a response to the overall political landscape, more or less called ‘negative politics’ in Bangladesh’s perspective.

Gradual declining of the appeal of strike (hartal) with a short or long duration as a possible means to realize demands is markedly felt and understood in the politics of today’s Bangladesh. Hartal not only causes a great loss and threat to the overall standing of life, property and economy but it also brings sufferings to the people to a great extent. Because its rampant, emotional, irresponsible and excessive use and/or misuse by the political parties particularly over the periods of the last 20 years made the people fed up to the extreme point. In the name of so-called hartal people are made ‘hostage’ against their will and mindset. Consequently, hartal meaning one’s voluntary participation to realize legitimate or due demands largely aimed at the junta or party/alliance-in power became synonymous with voital denoting to do the same out of fear, not of will. It has almost lost its appeal and substitutes are being devised and applied by the political parties. Road march or long march, demonstrations, processions, public meetings, press statements, press briefings, regular or occasional, are getting priority. Revolution in the field of IT and communications made its instant impact also on the political parties’ modes and natures of publicity, advertisement and publications. Various kinds of channels of media, predominantly the electronic media entailing television, radio, mobile phone, e-mail, face book, twitter etc initiated a new era of communications turning the world into a global village truly. New generations are very much tuned to all the developments. Above all, to meet with the challenges of 21^st century Hasina’s call and massive drive for building a ‘Digital Bangladesh’ and her ‘Vision 2021’appear to be a right and progressive initiatives and directions indeed.

Increasing role of civil societies and NGOs since the days of HM Ershad became a factor in the politics of Bangladesh. Leaders and activists in these groups in most of cases are providing inputs, qualified or unqualified, through various ways and means including talk-show on and over television and radio for determining and expanding the contents of politics of different political parties, although partisan approach or biasness are on to a large extent. Establishment of Human Rights Commission and Information Commission and promulgation of laws dealing with Right to information and Human rights by the Hasina administration paved the way smoother for suiting the purposes of freedom of thought and expression in a more courageous and honest manner. This is also true that the level of tolerance to criticism either by the government or by the opposition has not reached at an optimum phase till the date. These sectors are also necessary victims of the blast of the process of politicization by the ruling and opposition political parties.

Incorporation of Non-Party, Neutral Care-Taker Government to create a free and fair atmosphere for holding elections to Parliament by Election Commission independently was a turning point indeed. Birth of Non-Party, Neutral Care-Taker Government through the Constitution (Thirteenth Amendment) Act of 1996 to help Election Commission to conduct elections to Parliament independently in free and fair atmosphere added another peculiarity. The necessity of it arose at the backdrop of the dire negation to the free exercise of electoral rights of the electorate in choosing and electing persons to elected bodies ranging from local government to Parliament. Shahabuddin Ahmed, then Chief Justice of Bangladesh, following the concept of such CTG incorporated in the historic 7-point formula, took over as the Acting President of Bangladesh on 6 December 1990 from the then sitting President Ersahd, who in the face of 24 months long standing stand-off of almost all the political parties was compelled to resign. The main purpose of the CTG was to create a free and fair atmosphere so that the Election Commission would be in a position to conduct the elections independently with any interference by the government.

To our utter surprise, AL, loosing party in the elections to the fifth Parliament, called the results an act of ‘invisible riggings and conspiracy’. Then on the issue of gross riggings by the ruling BNP in the landmark bye-election in Magura constituency in the middle of 1993, AL, JP and others parties inside and outside the Parliament began a marathon boycott of the sessions of Parliament that resulted in their resignation en masse from the fifth Parliament. Demand for a Non-Party, Neutral CTG for holding elections to Parliament became the only issue of the day and time. Election to the sixth Parliament were held on 15 February 1996 without participation of the opposition political parties and finding no other option BNP finally agreed to meet with the demand. Thus, on 30 March 1996 Non-Party-, Neutral Care-Taker Government came into being with the dissolution of the sixth Parliament on the same day.

From 1996-2007 two elections to Parliament were held. AL won in the elections to the 7^th Parliament and BNP came out with a flying color with a brute majority of 220 seats in the elections to the 8^th Parliament. In both of the cases, the party defeated in the elections termed the results as an act of serious conspiracy and massive fraudulence showing thumb to the real verdict of the people. Not only this, a new play began as to fix own person as ‘the ‘constitutional choice’ to the office of Chief Adviser (CTG was composed of 10-Adviser headed by a Chief Adviser). To suit the purpose age limit was increased from 65 to 67 and supersession took a shameless exposure while appointing the Chief Justice. Furthermore, election Commission was totally politicized and false names were enlisted as voters (approximately ten millions).Chief Election Commissioner Justice Abdul Aziz publicly exposed him in various ways and means as a man of BNP. Distance between the two major political parties took the country to a point of verge and the CTG following article 58B (6) came into being with the President as also the Chief Adviser. In the face of its failure to hold the stipulated elections to the 9^th Parliament within the time frame of 90-day then the army-backed non-party, neutral care-taker government headed by Dr. Fakruddin Ahmed was installed. It succeeded in holding the desired elections in 2008, Grand alliance led by Sheikh Hasina scored a brute majority of 235 seats and thus a new elected democratic government led by Sheikh Hasina took over for a stipulated period of five-year term which will end in 2014.

Again the same political landscape started hunting the nation when BNP, now Shadow Government, began to boycott sessions of Parliament on a number of logic and reasons, reasonable or unreasonable. Parliamentary democracy virtually lost its glamour, test and appeal.Hasina now made a U-turn about the concept of CTG with a clear logic that CTG during the last years humiliated and degrade the politicians and activists to the highest order making all sorts of attempts to class and brand them corrupts and irrational. Parliamentary Committee for Constitutional Amendment was formed with Suranjit Sen Gupta in the Chair. One of the purposes of this committee was to take stock about the necessity and viability of CTG in the new perspective of the era of Parliamentary democracy in Bangladesh. BNP also kept distance from attending any dialogue with the Committee.

When all these were going on between the two leading parties, it was on 10 May 2011, Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh headed by Chief Justice Khairul Haque declared the CTG unconstitutional making provision for another two terms if Parliament decides so. Following this verdict, the ruling grand jote(alliance), at the outright rejection of the views and logic of oppositions, think-tanks, bodies and associations of various shades and opinions and most of the people, incorporated a clause unilaterally repealing the CTG in the Constitution (Fifteenth Amendment) Act of 2011.

Furthermore, with the scrapping of the Non-Party, Neutral, Care-Taker Government by the Constitution (Fifteenth Amendment) Act, 2011 without paying due heed to the Supreme Court’s verdict for continuation of CTG for another next two terms water has been boiled and, perhaps, it will in the coming days take the matter to the height causing more negative feedbacks in every sector as the main opposition BNP and allies declared that no election to Parliament would be allowed under a party-run government. They termed the step as a great conspiracy against smooth functioning and continuity of democratic process to change and transfer of power until confidence-building in a party-run interim government in line with the tradition of a democratic government is established in reality. Despite all kinds of follies, mistakes and misdeeds in the system and by the persons who ran it over the periods, the appeal of CTG remains fresh and universal on point of neutrality, fairness and transparency in holding free and fair elections to Parliament in Bangladesh perspective. Even Special Parliamentary Committee for Constitutional Amendment which worked hard lasting over a year had a series of dialogues with various sections of people was in favor of its continuation. It is Sheikh Hasina whose sole decision caused the very sad, sudden and uncalled for death of CTG.

The matter of CTG may go a long way causing a lot of discomforts and inconveniences to the people and the country. But it is also thrilling to see that both Hasina and Khaleda are now of the same frame of mind on striking further amendment to the Constitution on this issue, although point of difference now revolves around the name and modalities in particular.AL with the full support of the grand alliance has meanwhile initiated a very drastic process to put the Election Commission on a better footing empowering it with necessary powers and functions. Questions of financial and administrative separation from the yoke of the PM’s office in particular are also being discussed positively. It is also believed that there shall be no repetition of the gymnastics of so-called elections to the sixth Parliament and elections to the tenth Parliament must be held in a free and fair atmosphere with the participation of all the political parties including AL and BNP.

Foreign interference is a concern indeed. Because of weak foundation of democracy along with all its necessary institutions both at government and outside government levels foreign interference, called for or uncalled for, with matters, domestic or external or the both, may be said to have become a part and parcel of the politics of Bangladesh. Such interference(s) may originate from willful or reckless or inadvertent acquiescence of the political parties concerned or from the very intention(s) of the government of a foreign country or from a donor or consortium of donors or from a foreign national or a regional or global vested power.

Sequence--2 (State of leadership)

Truly speaking, state of leadership in Bangladesh is in very a pitiable, disappointing position because political parties so far failed to pay as much as necessary attention to its birth, nursing and development as a whole. Political leaders impregnated with old thoughts and ideas either could not understand or are not ready to understand the needs and pulse of the generations within the proper canvasses of time, space and dimension. During the period of forty years since independence, a large number of leaders were born under the nursing and shadow of the political parties, old or new, and most of them are now holding important portfolios with leadership status and characteristics but few of them have been able to show their excellence as and when required. Initially, there was no growth of leadership in the right politics in the days of pre-1975 as this was banned officially by the Bangabandhu government due to their anti-liberation role in the war of liberation in 1971. Collaborator’s Act 1972 tightened the process further brining some of them under trial for their acts against humanity etc during the nine months war of liberation. It was virtually a period for the Pro-Moscow socialist and communist parties in Bangladesh because Pro-China communist parties excepting Moulana Bhasani did not participate in the war on the logic that the very war was grabbed and taken away by the Indo-Soviet axis to suit their own purposes and targets in this region of South Asia. There was no atmosphere for the communists and socialists other than the Pro-Moscow elements to practice politics. It was an era of left politics (Pro-Moscow) in Bangladesh. As a result, right and Pro-China political parties other than Bhasani mostly took resort to underground politics putting threats otherwise to Bangabandhu regime. Nobody could stand before the towering personality and world-wide image of Bangabandhu, father of the nation, and consequently everything started revolving around him. The period from 1972-1975, otherwise called Phase one, may be characterized as follows:

*It was the period of national reconstruction and consolidation to meet with the challenges of the war-ravaged independent Bangladesh under the leadership of the father of the nation Bangabandhu, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who was alone holding three caps of power entailing the offices of the prime minister, leader of the house in parliament and president of Awami League.Distribution of political offices and portfolios became his sole domain;

* Ban on religion-based politics, which put an end to the open politics of more than ten political parties who played vital role in the politics and statecrafts of erstwhile East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. This ban also stopped the way for coming to life of new political parties in line with religion after the spirit of independent Bangladesh even by those who had a glorious role in the war of liberation or by the new generation;

* Sidetracking or undermining of left politics other than pro-Moscow forces and as a result, the pro-china political parties faced challenges and consequently some of them went underground;

*Awami Juba League, youth wing of AL, came into being for the first time in in the politics of Bangladesh under the leadership of Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni , a nephew of Bangabandhu, who was one of the leading organizers of the independence movement and the war of liberation. But as luck would it, this wing could not stand as a viable forum for giving birth to or preparing a viable ground for nursing new promising leaderships of the day or tomorrow;

* Labor wing got involved in so many scandals because of their creating a reign of anarchy in the fields of trade, commerce and industries with the red flog of socialism, which was in Bangladesh context called ‘Mujibism’. Nationalized sectors were overshadowed and shattered by such blasts without a delay;

* Bangladesh for her birth owes to a great extent to student politics, which went ahead of the then national politics largely spearheaded by AL led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Student politics played a vital role in the language movement of 1952, in lunching protest against Ayub Khan’s martial law in 1958, Hamidur Rahman Commission on Education in 1962, six-point movement in 1966, Historic movement of 1969-70, General Elections to National and Provincial Assemblies in Pakistan in 1970 and the war of liberation leading to the emergence of Bangladesh on December 1971. It was because of the student politics and leaders of Chatra League, student wing of AL, that honored Sheikh Mujib, then President of AL, with a unique title of ‘Bangabandhu’( Friend of Bengal) in 1969. In fact, Dhaka University, then earned its name and fame as the Oxford of the East’ became the centre for students politics in the then East Pakistan and military jumta in Pakistan realized this very well. Its importance rose to such a height that Dhaka University Central Students Union (DUCSU came to be known as the ‘second Parliament’ in the country.

After the independence, student force emerged as one of the major problems creating multi-dimensional challenges to the law and order situation since they were possessed of huge amounts of arms and ammunitions in hands on account of their involvement in various capacities and statuses in the war of liberation. The old image and glorious past of student politics began to wither away. Dhaka University Central Students Union (DUCSUS), once called the ‘second Parliament of East Pakistan’, now Bangladesh, started fading away geometrically after the very dawn of Bangladesh for a number of reasons most of which were related to the causes, consequences and blasts of the war of liberation and the subsequent ideological differences directly or indirectly. It became split into two one supporting the regime headed by Nur-a-Alam Siddique and Abdul Kuddus Makhon and the other headed by ASM Rob and Shajahan Siraj opposing it on question of some fundamental points of differences for establishing socialism in Bangladesh’s perspective. Birth of JSD was just a culmination of the sequence of this split followed by the genesis of its underground armed force Gonobahini as its operational hand. Ballot boxes in the second elections to DUCSU in 1973 were burnt and looted by the Chatra League of AL for which elections were cancelled. Factions, cleavages etc in Chatra League of AL reached at its zenith with the murder of seven students led by the then Secretary General of BCL Shafiual Alam Prodhan in the Mohasin Hall of Dhaka University on 4 April 1974. It was more or less an outburst of the factionalism in AL .It was an acute challenge for Bangabandhu government to place the student political activists under control;

*Switching over to one party rule by giving birth to BAKSAL putting an end to a multi-party democracy in 1975.With this all the possible doors to the growth, nursing and development of new leaderships in a multi-party culture were shut down officially. Mujibism meaning a cocktail of socialism, secularism, democracy and nationalism became the philosophy of this new venture of BAKSAL. This phase continued from 1972to the 15 August 1975.

Phase two spans from 15 August to 24 March 1982. During this period from 1975 to 1977 politics and the constitution remained suspended due to the continuity of the martial law regime of Ziaur Rahman. With the initiation of ‘indoor politics’ in 1978 within the fold of martial law under the changed political landscape of multi-party democracy with the insertion of social justice and faith in religion in place of socialism and secularism of Mujib era, political parties of various folds and faiths from right to centre-right to left began to come into being. JAGODAL, a political front in favor of Zia came into being with the fullest support of the ruling junta through DGFI. In fact, DGFI became a very decisive factor in determining the fate of politics of Bangladesh. As stated earlier that the presidential election by adult suffrage, first of its kind in Bangladesh, held in 1978 took place between the two major fronts one supported Zia called nationalist force of Bangladeshi Nationalism while the other sided with General MAG Osmani, Chief of the army in the war of liberation, called nationalist force of Bangalee nationalism. Thus the nation became virtually divided into two opposing ideological stands and approaches.

In 1979 Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) was established through a merger of a number of political parties and entailing new and fresh recruits. BNP because of its ideological appeal plus the image of Zia got its strong footing at the mass and grass-root levels. As a result, a large number of new leaderships began to emerge from the fold of BNP and its wings and associate bodies such as youth, labor, women and students organizations in particular. Old, senior and almost-lost leaders of Islamic, moderate and pro-china communist parties were rehabilitated largely either in BNP or in the revival of their parties or in new formations. Other side of the feedback of the change was that the pace of pro-Moscow communist parties and their activists came down to the lowest ebb, although they continued as allies with the newly revived AL .Elections to the 2^nd Parliament under the multi-party democracy of presidential system of government brought many promising faces, old or new, like Mirza Golam Hafez,Shah Azizur Rahman,SA Bari AT, Jamauddin Ahmed, Moudud Ahmed, Abul Kashem, Abdur Rahman, MA Matin, Professor Dr. B.Chowdhury, Professor Dr. Matin etc.

Youth and student wings of BNP became very strong because of quick responses and supports from the areas. In fact, a stream of leaderships entailing almost all sectors cropped up under the umbrella of BNP. Zia had a wonderful musical charisma, which made him charismatic leader overnight. One of his greatest successes was his magnetic personality to draw to his favor the attention of the rising generations to a large scale. There are also rebuttable allegations against him that he by stating that ‘I will make politics difficult for politicians’ actually made it difficult in terms of supplying money, deals and privileges as he off and often used to utter that ‘Money is not a problem’.

Bangladesh Jatiyotabadi Chatra Dal (BJED), student wing of BNP, was floated in 1979 and it fared very well in the elections to DUCSU and Halls in Dhaka University. BJED emerged as a very dependable arm of BNP.

During this period AL was revived under the leadership of Mohiuddin Ahmed while some of them joined BNP, some preferred to remain non-active.AL became the major opposition in the 2^nd Parliament winning 39 seats only. One of the turning points of this time was the election of Sheikh Hasina, who had been staying abroad even long before the day of the incident of the 15 August 1975, to the office of the president of AL in the Council of AL in 1981. This initiated not only a new life in AL but it also paved the way for a woman leadership in Bangladesh. Hasina came to Bangladesh in 1982.

After the assassination of Zia on 30 May 1981 Justice Sattar, Vice Present of Zia’s regime, who has earned his name for carefully sticking to the policy to rotate around power and position, was elected to the chair in the 2^nd presidential election of 1981. He was a short-lived president because of the declaration of martial law and taking over power by HM Ershad on 24 March 1982, second time in Bangladesh (there is a conflicting stories about Ershad;s coming to power. BNP sticks to the view that Ershad took away power from Sattar forcibly while Ershad is of the opinion that Justice Sattar voluntarily handed over power to him because of his failure to cope up with corruptions and disorder in the country).

Phase three ranges from 24 March 1982 to 06 December 1990 covering the days of HM Ershad. At the outset, the period from 24 March 1982 to 1984 remained dark because of the suspension of the constitution and politics under martial law rules and regulations. HM Ershad, following the pursuits of his predecessor Zia, allowed ‘indoor politics’ and engaged DGFI to prepare fertile ground to float a party in support of him. To suit the very purposes, DGFI embarked upon a broad-based plan to collect activists and leaders from different political parties and their wings, associates and affiliates and to make contacts with new faces from diverse areas of society. It was easier for them to do so because of the past expertise, experience and feedbacks of the first martial law of Zia. It was, like the past regime, an era of philistinism, opportunism, cronyism and sycophancy for which ground for and expectations of the birth of promising, viable, sincere, dedicated, potential visionary leaders remained a day dream. JANADAL was formed at the outset and then Jatio Party emerged out of a conglomeration of a number of political parties, elements and forces, political and non-political, on 01 January 1986. Ershad was successful in getting a puppet political party, a puppet parliament and puppet council of ministers.

Likewise, leadership-building at the local government from union council to upzila parishad to District Council proved to be a mockery because of open gymnastics of ‘might is right’. As cited earlier that elections to national and local bodies were synonymous with the concept of ‘Honda, Gunda and Monda’. Elections to the 4^th Parliament in 1988(which has been placed in the democratic history of Bangladesh as a voter less Parliament) were a culmination of the process indeed. Ershad must be remembered for his daring initiative in giving birth to Upzila Parishad through which a new kind of leadership was created at the local government level. His drive for the revival of District Council and leadership thereto was also notable, although the method to the election of the members and chairman might not go beyond debates. Regime security prevailed over state security and the consequently despite the birth, nursing and indoctrination of many a leader in various fields from student to youth to labor to women to national politics, majority of them virtually remained in the camp of opportunists, sycophants and seeming love for the nation and the country as a whole.

A signpost event took place during this period was the formal appearance of Khaleda Zia, widow of Zia, at the politics of Bangladesh and as the chairman of BNP. With her coming to politics, both AL and BNP acquired the characteristics of becoming petticoat political parties (petticoat leadership implies leadership by a female). Leadership of Bangladesh turned formally to these two ladies, nay to the women.

With a view to adding new force of leadership to national politics(apparently against the AL), Ershad also allowed the killers of Bangabandu like Rashid, Faroque, Bazlul Huda and others to form a political party named ‘Freedom party’. In the so-called elections to 4^th Parliament in 1988 Rashid, chairman of the party, and Bazlul Huda were elected MP. But they could not continue because of lack of response and support from the people and died down gradually after the fall of Ersahd. Trial of those killers culminating in the sentence to death finally put an end to the minimal existence of the party and its followers.

Agreeing with the seven points formula of the combined oppositions entailing think-tanks, non-government organizations, professional bodies, associations and so forth, HM Ershad handed over power to Shahabuddin Ahmed, then Chief Justice of Bangladesh, to run a non-party and neutral CTG to create a free and fair atmosphere for holding elections to the 5^th Parliament by the Election Commission independently. Bangladesh for the first time in the history of her statecraft (government) witnessed for a period of 90-day only a kind of new non-political leadership other than the defense forces, which successfully performed its duties and responsibilities.

Fourth and current phase entails the period from 1991 to till the date may be called a period of parliamentary democracy with a set of leaderships, old and new, in national politics, legislative and executive organs. In fact, leadership in BNP including the wings and affiliates over the period since its birth flared up considerably. Formation of the Council of Ministers with Khaleda Zia as PM in 1991 absorbed both old and new faces. But, it could not handle its wings and affiliates in particular youth and student fronts smoothly to the expectations of the nation fort which lot of disorder, chaos and unhappy incidents cast slur on the overall impression of the government. In the elections to 7^th Parliament (elections to the sixth Parliament was held on 15 February 1996 without the participation of almost all the political parties excepting BNP and lasted only a few days) because it was dissolved immediately after its making and passing the Non-Party, neutral CTG by the Constitution (Thirteenth Amendment) Act of 1996) so that it could begin from the elections to 7^th Parliament without a delay. This time BNP securing 120 seats became opposition in Parliament. This is further to be noted that the CTG with nonparty, non-partisan neutral leadership was later declared illegal by the Supreme Court of Bangladesh on 10 May 2011 and it was finally annulled by the 9^th Parliament by the Constitution (Fifteenth Amendment) Act of 2011.

BNP;s coming to power for the second term in 2001 made a clear departure from the first one in the sense that this time administration was virtually shaken because of the visible appearance of ‘Hawoa Bhaban’, a house wherefrom Tarek Zia, eldest son of Khaleda Zia, and the first joint secretary general of BNP, began to influence the overall activities of the government entailing choices for most of the appointments and distribution of portfolios of Council of Ministers, appointments, regular or contractual, , postings, promotions at various levels of the government, fixation of the fate of tenders, local or international, assertion of his voice over the party and its wings and affiliates and so on. Senior leaders in the cabinet and in the party were not duly respected and evaluated by ‘Hawoa Bhaban’. Decision-makers at various levels in the government could hardly dare oppose any request, legal or illegal, ever by a small fry of this house. In fact, a kind of ‘Diarchy’ --dual centre of power in the government—came into being. Leadership by inheritance or succession, not by merit and qualification, otherwise called ‘rule of/by the family/dynasty’, became more consolidated in BNP through the emergence of Tarek Zia first as the senior joint secretary general and then as the senior vice-present of the party. He---after Khaleda Zia, who succeeded her assassinated husband Ziaur Rahman, founder of BNP ---virtually made his formidable and unchallenged appearance in BNP. It is on record that this practice of dual/parrel administration rather produced negative feedback both for the party and the government in almost all respects including leadership pointedly. Khaleda Zia was either unmindful of all these or she addressed herself to the rising power of her son. It was due to one of the major the failures of BNP both as a party as well as a government to understand the pulse of the nation and to meet with its electoral pledge and manifesto, the catastrophe of 1/11 of 2006 took place in Bangladesh.

Growth and development of Leaderships in the Awami League during the periods of 1996-2001 and 2008 to the date are not so much different from those of BNP. AL headed by Sheikh Hasina was voted to power in the elections to the 7^th Parliament and formed a government by consensus headed by Sheikh Hasina. From Parliament to the Council of Ministers to local government the overall get-up and make-up of nominations, selections and appointments hardly differ from BNP’s. Hasina held all the three leading portfolios in the fist tightly such as chief of the party, leader of the house and head of the government. More important is that the PM is not merely the mere first among the equals, rather she/he is the uni-deciding factor in running the government. Therefore, apart from some differences otherwise, AL walked on the same road of BNP.

Al’s coming to power in 2008 may be called a kind of departure from the past in respect of initiation of a new era of leaderships in running the government. This time Hasia accommodated new and fresh bloods in the Council of Ministers to a large extent. New faces were nominated and elected as MPs. A broad-based avenue was opened in the area of local government covering villages/wards, union councils, upzila parishads and district councils. One of the glaring points to be noted is that Hasina made a drastic attempt to sidetrack the old and senior leaders due to their role during the period of army-backed Non-Party, Neutral CTG headed by Dr. Fakruddin Ahmed. Taking all these into due account one may treat it as a sign of departure or as a signal of dissatisfaction or as the both.

As it has been noted earlier that the overall role of the opposition in Bangladesh is mainly set at criticizing the party in power almost without putting forward any viable, up to date alternative proposals on major burning issues old or new, or even if there is any presence of such alternatives that come not to cooperate the government with commitment, sincerity and transparency in actual perspective and instead every attempt is made and played to embarrass or negate its stand for mere political gains and purposes. Hence, here growth and development of leaderships in opposition can hardly be free from the waves, currents and trends of the ongoing political landscapes. To speak in the superlative, political parties in Bangladesh miserably failed to produce leaderships in the true sense of the term even while in the seat of opposition.

Corruptions---by nature naked, shameless, ruthless and devastating---are rampant, unbridled putting on the cap of great dictum ‘survival of the fittest’. It is everywhere with a strong base from to top to bottom and vice versa as if a reign of law of no-law, rule of no-rule, system of no-system with full of rhythm, intonation and music are in, on in a full swing. Bangladesh’s ranking with a movement from one to five as a country of corruption in the annual reports of Transparency International from 2005-2010 bear testimonies to all these. Erosion of values, morality and good sense in all most all respects is on at a disquieting scale establishing a reign of ‘Regularity of irregularities’. Good people are being driven out of proper places and positions. Truth, justice, fairness, honesty, transparency and accountability both in micro and macro levels are at stake.

Most of the political leaders, businessmen, industrialists, NGO’s leaders, bureaucrats and others in the elite are said to be gravely engrossed in corruption of various forms and dimensions. Jatio Party Chairman and former President H.M. Ershad, who has been facing dozen of cases of corruption, was in one case convicted and sentenced to jail for five years. Leader of the opposition in the current Parliament, BNP Chairperson and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia has meanwhile been charged with corruption cases. Incumbent PM was also charged with such cases during army-baked Non-Party, Neutral CTG of 2006-2008 for her alleged corruption during her Prime Minister ship of 1996-2001 and interestingly enough all such charges had been withdrawn by the party in-power, although not a single instance has so far been set in case of Khaleda Zia.

It is said that because of the cases pending trial or judgments, Ershad has become hostage to two leading political parties in Bangladesh. All his political targets and activities wily or daily rotate around the fate of the cases and, therefore, he follow a policy of opportunism while deciding which party is in a position to ensure necessary benefits and protection to him. In most of cases, yes he is being used without any option left to him. Today he is with AL in the grand coalition and tomorrow he may be with BNP as a sense of insecurity is hunting him all the time. Why does he feel so? Because he thinks his cases are based on political motivations and considerations and thus without blessing and concession of a ruling party/coalition, his cases cannot be settled properly, which, unlike even India, is, in fact, a kind of non-confidence in the smooth running of the administration of justice.

It is said that one of the reasons for the increase of corruptions in Bangladesh is the widening gap between lessons and practice of religions of various faiths and folds. Bangladesh is a land of religion-loving people with Islam as state religion, but, to our utter surprise, most of the people are, honestly speaking, religion-fearing not religious as a result if which role and feedbacks of religion are getting muted day by day. It is really a matter of great wonder and shock to think how a muslin who offers his payer five times a day promising each time to Allah not to do anything against the teachings of Holy Quran and Sunnah, teachings of the Prophet Hazrat Mohammad(Peace be upon him), does, does the same again? Why does it happen? Answer is that it happens mainly because of his intention not to put the teachings and lessons of religion into action. It’s a treachery, double-standard policy and indeed a striking fraudulence with the self and the society at large. Same is true to the most of the followers of other religions i.e. Hindu, Buddhist and Christian and so forth.

It is also true that withdrawal of cases on political considerations is a reality here. It was practiced by Ershad, Khaleda Zia and Hasina in the past and it is being followed persistently at present. Even there is a committee headed by State Minister for Law and Parliamentary Affairs Kamrul Islam to decide the matter in the name of politically motivated charge-sheets lodged by the past regimes of BNP and CTG. Lot of cases have meanwhile been withdrawn and, interestingly enough, all of them belong to AL and grand coalition. Not a single one was from BNP or other opposition political parties. Not even the cases filed during the CTG including Khaleda Zia got consideration from the committee. More painstaking is the use of President’s clemency under article… of the Constitution of Bangladesh. All the past regimes applied it politically and the trend is similar at present.

All the Governments, past or present, beat the same drum of fairness, transparency and accountability nevertheless, ironically enough, feedbacks are reverse in the end. Filing cases related to corruption and facing such allegations legally are highly politicized. Demonstrations by lawyers of politically bias associations or bodies in the vicinity of the courts or outside the court compound even on a genuine corruption of a political leader/person are now a common phenomenon.

Overall standing of various commissions, structurally, functionally and legally, is still below expectations and workability. Anti-corruption commission has been in chain in various ways and means. Election commission is groaning under the feet of the PM’s secretariat. Government is highly beating the drum passing signal to all that Election Commission is in a position to hold elections to local or national bodies independently in a free and fair atmosphere with all sorts of cooperation from the government as and when required, but in the recently held local government election to Narayangonj City Corporation on 30 October 2011 Election Commission’s formal request to the government for deploying army there was not even responded at all, which the CEC termed as a violation of the Constitution indeed. As a sign of protest and also apprehending of holding no fair election BNP- backed candidate in the mayoral race Advocate Taimur Alam just few hours before the polls began declared his decision not to contest in the polls. Office of the Auditor and Comptroller General is in a debatable pose. Public Service Commission, Judicial Service Commission, Law Commission, Information Commission, Security Exchange Commission, Press council and others on the same or near set of scales are not exceptions at all. March of Human Rights Commission was full of promises, but the voice of its Chairman Professor Dr. Mizanur Rahman is no more heard on a high tone while the state of human rights is getting from bad to worse day by day.

Mere creation of ‘Search Committee’ to find suitable persons on an average counts for the constitutional offices may be viewed as advancement. What is more important to see is that (a) whether those commission are functionally, structurally and financially free from the fold of government while functioning in a full swing upholding neutrality, integrity and transparency on all accounts and (b) whether parochial political considerations pave the way for appointing there politically indoctrinated and bias persons, which might upset the balance of highly talked about neutrality and fairness in time of a necessity in particular. It is also true that a man of high integrity, knowledge and esteem may not be courageous enough to face challenges of a grave nature and similarly it is also a fact a man of less caliber, integrity and esteem holds the rare quality of being courageous to the highest degree. Therefore, to strike a balance between the two is a real challenging task in the real world and perspective, which varies from place to place and time to time. Therefore, the only option left under these circumstances is to create a culture of consensus between or among the major political parties in Parliament. Once it is founded at least on major or burning national issues, the rest of the issues and problems shall find easy ways to get resolved suiting time, space and dimension. One should not die into oblivion that a country like Bangladesh with all its peculiarities cannot follow or switch over to a model of other dissimilar atmospheres even it is from the same standing of a LDC since model is not a commodity, which can be imported to meet with the immediate requirement of a state. A model always presupposes a mindset based on a number of things such as culture, politics, economics, and religion and so on. That’s why it is held that ‘what is eatable for one may be a cause of ill-digestion for others and vice versa’.

There also continues a kind of frustration and laxity in the field of public administration, which is fostering negative feedback in the overall bureaucratic chain of command on matters of appointments, postings, promotions, transfers on merit and records. A quasi spoil system under the guise of political favors and cronies has become a fact now which was supposed to be the reverse from the days of re-introduction of Parliamentary democracy in 1991. It started to be visible from the later part of 1993 because of branding the civil servants into pro-BNP and pro-AL and it was exposed to the highest extreme by Janata Moncha(People’s dias), an anti-government forum of public servants and people born in 1996 against the BNP regime in support of the opposition led by Awami League. Politics entered cautiously and directly into the pulse of bureaucracy and administration causing more pains, losses and concerns to the very fabric of Leaderships in the bureaucracy of civil administration. Hasina’s government by consensus of 1996-2001 made the process more mobile and partisan by following its own agenda in this respect. Concept of identifying and cornering of anti-liberation elements and forces in the bureaucracy and civil administration came to the forefront, emotionally or otherwise.

The landscape deteriorated furthermore during the 2^nd term of BNP government from 2001-2006. This time ‘dual administration’ one by the government proper led by KhaledaZia and other by the ‘Howabhaban’, a political headquarters of Taraque Zia, son of Khaleda Zia, which came into existence first as a political research cell and then emerged as the virtual centre of power of the regime. In fact, clearing administration from the last relic of AL and others of the same folds and faiths happened to be its top priority or to say more accurately brushing out the anti-BNP elements and forces from the administration. As a result, sycophancy, cronyism and political identity and affiliation came to the forefront as the measuring rod of appointments, postings and promotions. During the days of Army-backed Fakruddin Non-Party, Neutral Care-Taker Government the process was halted and attempts were made to refuel and reshape the debacle to the best of its range and capacity. But as ill luck would have it, the matter has been reverted and taken into account seriously in its favor by the Grand alliance government immediately after its having been voted to power in 2008. For example, in the biggest promotion spree in the civil administration, the government on 9 February 2012 promoted 649 officers to the ranks of additional secretary, joint secretary and deputy secretary against no vacant posts.

Of the promoted civil servants, 127 joint secretaries have been elevated to the rank of additional secretary, 264 deputy secretaries to the post of joint secretary and 258 senior assistant secretaries to the post of deputy secretary. Most of them are from the 82 and 85 batches of the Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS) who were earlier left out of promotion. With the large-scale promotion, the civil administration now turns severely top-heavy as the number of officers already holding the three ranks are nearly double. Now there are about 1,500 deputy secretaries against 830 approved posts, 500 joint secretaries against 250 posts and 148 additional secretaries against 108 approved posts. At present the number of secretaries is 75 against 60 approved posts.

Former Cabinet Secretary Akbar Ali Khan in his instant reaction to such move held the view that the administration would lose its dynamism due to the possible delay in making decisions by the additional number of officers in the same positions.

About the left out officers, he said the government should notify them why they were not given promotion. “They should be given the scope of filing appeal in this regard,” Akbar, also a former adviser to a caretaker government, told The Daily Star.

A deputy secretary said, "My promotion was due for long five years. It was a great relief for me when I saw my name on the list."

There were still some officers whose names did not appear on the lists. "I am deprived of promotion although my name was on top of the merit list. Some officers of my batch got promotion whose names were much below in the merit list," regretted one such officer.

The promoted officers will continue serving in their current positions as "in situ" (meaning their designation will be elevated, not portfolio) due to no vacancy. They would remain in their current positions despite the promotion. As per normal practices, a civil servant gets new office and new posting when his or her rank is elevated.

The situation this time became more difficult as no civil servant will retire in the next two years, thanks to an extension of the retirement age to 59 years from 57. Nearly 4,000 officers retire every year, creating scope for promotion and posting of their subordinates.

Earlier, the Superior Selection Board (SSB), a body of seven secretaries with the cabinet secretary at the head, held a series of meetings in the last one month to find a mechanism for promoting the officers and giving them new postings. Public Administration Secretary Abdus Sobhan Sikder claimed the promotion was given based on performance and merit of the officers. "Nobody was given promotion on political consideration," he told reporters at his office.

But many officers in the secretariat say political and personal favoritism, not performance or merit, has been the primary consideration for promotion and posting. The civil administration is run by some senior bureaucrats closely associated with influential figures of ruling parties, they allege (Admin put thru' promotion glut, Daily Star, 9 February 2012)

Judiciary is now in the most baffled manifestation since the separation of judiciary from the executive strongholds remains incomplete even after the Supreme Court’s. Increasing power of executive magistrate is a big concern as it negates to a large extent the process of adjudication, which is the pivotal point to ensure ends of justice. Hence, the domains of judicial magistrate getting squeezed off and often in the name of smooth functioning of law and order of time. Mobile court is the latest addition in this respect. So many law-enforcing agencies, covert or overt, are sometimes not only overlapping but also causing complexities breeding a sense of panic and insecurity as a whole. \Special Act 1974, killing in the name of cross-fire etc. have appeared as a constant phobia for those also who are at a distance from crime or unsocial activities. Kidnapping, abduction, blackmail, ransom, secret assassination are on a great rise as well. Police in particular still remains far away from becoming a hope and shelter for those who need it mostly.

Because of weakness of politics and leadership the country has not yet been blessed with a sound and accommodative heath policy upon which depends the growing of healthy and intelligent generations. Health sector is totally shattered due to adulteration of drugs, foods, vegetables and fruits. Under the plaster of so-called preservatives/ carbide, formalin and so on are being used at random in the very face of the authority concerned. Services in hospitals, clinic, testing centers, public or private, are in dejected conditions. Doctor-patient relations turned doctor-client relations. Sales, purchases and transplantation of human organs such as eye, kidney are going on freely misusing the existing Organ Transplant Act, 1999, and also taking advantage of the flaws and limitations of the Act in a very organized and heinous way. A sense of commercialization clouded the very theme of ‘services’.

Contraband deadly drugs like heroin, phensidyl, hemp and yaba are entering Bangladesh from the neighboring countries through different border points every day. Manufacturing factories of these items illegally set up on bordering areas inside the neighboring counties are many in number. Home Secretary Abdus Sobhan Sikdar disclosed at a consultation on combating human trafficking and drug smuggling that ‘deadly drugs worth about tk. 200 billion are smuggled into the country every year( Daily Sun, 30 September 2011). The immoral trade of drugs is being run at large around 200 spots in the capital city under the very nose of law enforcers and more than 3 million people are now yaba-addicts in the capital (Amadar Somoy, 30 September 2011). . As a result of which physically, mentally and intellectually a weak, mal-nutritious generation upon whom the future of the nation rests is being produced and grown up.

Moral degradation has come down to such a stage that even women trafficking are now also a cause of concern not only for the law enforcing agencies but for the people at a large. According to available statistics more than 15000 women and children are smuggled out of Bangladesh every year as per United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF). A survey recently conducted by Winrock International showed that a total of 117 trafficking cases were lodged with different police stations across the country within six months of 2011 in which 110 arrests were made. Not a single identified drug den or godfather has yet been arrested. Surveys and studies being made by different national and international NGOs on this issue disclose that human traffickers are changing their tactics and routes to collect and traffic innocent children and women abroad. The traffickers collect women and children through false marriages, alluring them of better life and job offers from different rural areas and smuggle them out of the country in exchange of money. More and more laws, rules and regulations are being made to meet with fast escalating catastrophes but applications of those have become a mere eye-wash because of corruptions of all concerned.

Because of infection in the vision and mission of political leaderships in our political system all the sub-systems therein have become compulsory victim of it. One of such victims is our intelligentsia. There exists a concept of brain-drain at international polemics but we may, if viewed intimately, also discover another entity, which might be named ‘brain-mortgage’, a new commodity in the areas other than that of law. In a deal of brain-sale, the seller himself is sold finally whereas in a brain-mortgage, the mortgagor deposits himself for a definite or for a short or for the shortest period of time or even for a purpose only. Here the mortgage does differ with the interpretation given in law. In a legal interpretation, mortgage denotes that the mortgagor delivers the possession of the interest in a property to the mortgagee on condition that in default of the payment of mortgage money, the mortgagee is legally entitled to sell the said mortgaged property following certain procedures so as to adjust and settle the dues accordingly. But in brain-mortgage there is no question of default of payment on the part of the mortgagor rather mortgagor’s expectations are met with by the mortgagee on condition of getting services asked for.

This brain-mortgage, which may possibly also be a modern version of sophism (a theory of ancient Greece that implied sale of knowledge for vested interests without paying attention to its adverse effects on society), has developed at an alarming pulse in today’s Bangladesh. Socrates stood against it and was sentenced to death by the Court of Athens. He did not compromise and accepted the verdict. At the time of death by drinking Hemlock he warned uttering, ‘the time of our departure has arrived, I to die and you to live which is better only God knows’. ‘Talk-show’ on electronic media is another newly developed forum that can be a voice of the people. However, the very purposes of talks-show are at stake because it is found, with few exceptions, that what a person or persons says or say in talks-show does or do the reverse in actual field of actions. Talks-show should not be a place for those who play double-standard in life.

We badly need new Socrates, Plato, Aristotle and others of same or close standing and stature. Let us get rid of the culture of talking of and referring to past helplessly with a so-called firm conviction that present is barren and continues to be so whether we make drives or not. This is indeed pessimism, say nihilism. Time has come to dig, find and evaluate the resourceful of the present. The nation who cannot utilize the present, cannot vision of better future. Sending a condolence message or showing respect to the departed souls with the words ‘nation has lost a great personality whose absence cannot be filled in’, is a kind of mockery since in most of the cases the contrary was done when such personality was alive. Today, we remember the past or the departed not for recalling so in true sense, but to say a few words on such occasion with a latent intent to expose ourselves opportunistically. Let this bad practice be closed.

For the dawning and proper establishing of her concept of ‘Digital Bangladesh’ in right form and dimension it’s a Hobson’s choice for Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who has been claimed by her party AL as a daughter of democracy, dreamer of development, diamond of the country, to come forward and take initiatives going beyond parochial boundary of party politics and lines. Similarly, Khaleda Zia, who is also titled by her party BNP as ‘leader of the country’ and who has recently been honored with a decoration of ‘fighter for democracy’ by the Senate of the New Jersey State, USA, needs be to more pragmatic and accommodative in her approach to politics and nation-building activities.

Today it’s an axiomatic that the fate of the country depends on them and it was proved factually and evidentially through the inoperativeness and thus not a success of extremely controversial ‘Minus Two Theory’ initiated by the Army-baked Fakruddin led Non-Party, Neutral CTG in 2007.They are the unifying force for their parties. Therefore, if the twos anyhow and under any circumstances be in a position to sit and dialogue with actual commitments and sincerity showing and establishing a reasonable degree of sacrifice for the greater interests of the country, it is believed on all counts that a new horizon is likely to embrace us all. They should not be at bay any more. They must listen to the call and cry of the nation. They are not only making fun of us, but also they are making themselves non-appealing and unimportant to us. Still there is time to realize and put hands as one for the onward march and development of the country.

Let them all take an unambiguous message from Justice Nazrul Islam Chowdhury, senior Judge of the High Court Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh, who in a case seeking bail of the BNP chief whip before him and Justice Anwarul Haque held, ‘Today BNP politicians are the victims and next it will be them as ruling parties leaders. They suffered when you were in power. We have been watching this for ages, which we don’t want to see anymore’ adding further ‘Allah has given us two hands to work, but we in Bangladesh use one hand to attack others and the other to lend off others from attacking us’. He also wondered ’When a man always does this, how will he work for the country and development? As a human being I want to say to two Ahmeds, ,Moudud and Shafique---the latter in power and the former out—that you both spare us’(Bangladesh politics: When Judges feel like weeping’ by Afsan Chowdhury, Dhaka Courier, 15 July 2011).

Mr. Afsan Chowdhury in the write-up also noted with an enormous disappointment that ‘most probably no judge has ever felt so helplessness at the hands of the politicians. One can understand when politician overwhelm each other but when the members of judiciary speak with the tone they have, there is a serious situation, a dreadful reminder of our collective helplessness’.

History bears a dazzling testimony that one or two or few leaderships may originate from a vacuum but for producing more leadership in different areas of a state proper initiatives and measures are pre-conditions and this can be provided by institutions, academic and non-academic. Education and teachers from primary to university stages are suffering from chronic mal-nutrition and ill-digestion, research and studies have been tunneled to instant gains and politics by professionals has appeared to be a curse for the fledging nation. As a result of which factories to produce leaders are at the verge of collapse.

Last and sequence—3(State of development)

Reality further unfolds the truth that the concept of development is the most misunderstood, confusing and perplexing area in a state like Bangladesh. Bangladesh is a member of the Least-Developed Countries since 1975, although leaders do not feel any hesitation to beat the drum of her becoming a rising economic tiger or her reaching at a mid-level economic power in near future. Population bomb, which is on a great rise at the same time without having proper nursing and facilities for being converted into a potential human resource or manpower with the move of time, space and dimension, and thus it is mostly pulling the speed and trends of development backward or making most of the initiatives, plans and programs inadequate to meet with the rising demands of the basic needs of life say, food, shelter, medicare and education in particular.

Highly ambitious annual deficit budgets( almost 33% per cent in 2011-212) subject to off and often revisions, curtails and diversion of funds at the executive orders without paying any heed to parliament, mostly politically motivated monetary policy breeding inflation( officially 7.6 per cent and unofficially near about 12 per cent), rising population with serious consequence of the burden of unemployment, lessening tendency of GDP( 6% percent against the target of 7%), reckless determination of per capita income(155 US dollar), squeezing of labor markets in foreign lands resulting in falling the flow of remittances from overall expected point of view(from $8.9 billion dollar in 2007–2008 to $11.65 billion dollar in 2010-2011, which had the possibility of reaching at $15 billion dollar if right initiatives were taken and followed by taking and gearing initiatives to explore more possibilities and realities in labor markets, old or new and making necessary up to date reforms to the laws dealing with the transfer of money to Bangladesh from abroad as due to defects in the current laws and rate of exchange, a very big amount of money is being passed through illegal ways of hundi. As a result, foreign currency reserve gets deprived of the major part of foreign currencies coming to Bangladesh through hundi), rising bent of imports( from $ 25.205 billion dollar in 2077-2008 to $32billion dollar in 2010-2011) and so forth have become a chronic phenomena.

Above all, capital market and financial market, heart of the economic foundation of a country, have been chained and twisted in such a manner that cannot but ensure the coup of ‘syndicalism’. The repetition of debacle in capital marker of 1996 in a more devastating scale and vehemence in 2010 substantiates the formidable presence of such syndicalism in the stock markets here. For trading in the stock market, there are at present two stock exchanges one is Dhaka Stock Exchange (DSE) situated at the heat of the capital city and the other being Chittagong Stock Exchange (CSE) located at the hub of the divisional city of Chittagong widely known as the commercial capital of Bangladesh.

The Bangladesh stock market has experienced a prolonged bull run commencing from mid-2009. The market grew by 67% and 65 %( based on quarter-in-quarter index values) during the year 2009 and 2010. The market capitalization grew from BDT 1,046.78 billion in January 2009 to about BDT 3,680.71 billion in December 2010, reflecting an annual growth of 252%.The market P/E(profit to earnings) ratio went up to 29.71 times by December 2010. The increase is not supported by future earnings growth of the listed companies, given the medium-term economic outlook with GDP growth estimated at around 6%.

The bubble in the market began with he influx of retail investors (a154% increase from December 2009). In the meantime, some banks and non-banking financial institutions (NBFT) had substantially increased their exposure to the capital market, exceeding regulatory and prudent limits. The Central Bank’s lax stance on the monetary policy, lack of investment opportunities, and undisclosed money invested in the market saw a high injection of liquid funds into the stock market. Due to this continuous inflow of liquidity, the investors reaped exorbitant and unrealistic returns. The cycle kept repeating.

Towards the last quarter of 2010 the Central Bank felt compelled to intervene to curb the spiraling inflation and limit the exposure of banks to capital market. It took measures to increase the minimum cash reserve ratio and statutory liquidity ratio, and enforced exposure guidelines that drained out excess liquidity from the market causing investors to lose confidence in the market. The result was that the market crashed. The bursting of the stock market bubble left stakeholders facing stern realities. There was a persistent lack of coordination amongst the marker watchdogs and regulators. The formulation and implementation of fiscal and monetary policy were misunderstood. Even though the creation of a bubble was evident well in advance, adequate, effective and coordinated measures were not taken to manage the situation.

It is timely to critically to look into the operation of the market. It demands the immediate attention of all.

Enhancing corporate governing practices b. Enhancing quality of public disclosure and information sharing c. Demutualization of stock exchanges d. Increasing the supply of new issues e. Developing the corporate bond market f. Simplifying the regulatory process for public capital issues g. Enhancing the secondary market monitoring and surveillance.

In fact, on all accounts it is the responsibility of the government, the regulators, and the stock exchanges to provide the leadership role in this regard and direct the market in the right direction. (Bangladesh Capital Market by Kusal Jayawardana, Bangladesh Business, May-June 2011).

Bangladesh Bank’s annual report confirms that government is the number one bank loan defaulter. It means the pace of industrialization and smooth operation of imports are disturbed and in some cases halted by the government itself. Subsidy is a recognized formula in development hemisphere but a subsidized economy aimed at political motivation and exploitation can never be rewarding finally and, sorry to say, that’s the ongoing practice in Bangladesh.

It is on documents that when a party goes to power it starts creating beneficiaries in different sectors, among others, bank, insurance and power plant. What is to be registered with a great apprehension is that being fully aware of its declared policies and of country’s requirements and limitations, they give permission to open new banks and insurance companies etc, which foster further tempest in the sectors. Though the number of banks in Bangladesh is more than those in its neighboring countries, the Hasina government now considers giving permission for setting up new banks.

According to Bangladesh Bank statistics, at present the number of local and foreign banks is 47, whereas the number is 21 in Sri Lanka, 39 in Pakistan and 26 in Nepal. Even Malaysia and the Philippines have only 26 banks each. However, being a big economy India has 90 banks. There are also some regional banks there. In Bangladesh, three successive governments in 1980s and 1990s allowed setting up new banks, but after 2001 no new bank was approved rather some were merged. When the BNP came to power in 2001, there was severe pressure to give approval to new banks but the central bank managed to outmaneuver the attempts.

From 2001 till date, the BB received applications for 82 new banks, and of them, applications for 20 banks were submitted during the Awami League's present regime. More applications are in the pipeline, and many are still lobbying for permission. On July 12, 2005, the BB board okayed a new policy for setting up banks and branches of foreign banks. The BB also decided that no more permission will be given for setting up new banks given the country's economy and size of the money market.

After the Liberation War in 1971 there were only six banks in Bangladesh and all of those were state-owned. Later, during the Ershad regime nine banks were set up in the private sector including the denationalized Pubali and Uttara banks from 1982 to 1987.During the BNP regime, eight new banks were approved from 1992 to 1996. Later, the Awami League-led government gave permission to 13 private banks during 1999-2001. After those no licence was given for opening new banks. After the Awami League-led grand alliance assumed power for the second time in 2009, the process of allowing two more banks was initiated, putting forward various reasons in the favour of the move.

Twenty persons applied this time. Among the big shots, Awami League Presidium Member Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir has so far submitted applications twice.Also the chairman of the parliamentary standing committee on public accounts, Alamgir submitted an application in April 2009 to set up SME Bank. Md Mojibar Rahman, MA Rashid and AHM Tajul Islam were mentioned as the directors of the proposed SME Bank.In 2010, Alamgir filed another application for a new bank, The Farmers' Bank Ltd. Md Atahar Uddin and Ebadul Karim were proposed as the directors of the bank.An application for setting up Modhumati Bank Ltd was submitted in 2010. Awami League lawmaker Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh is one of the directors of the proposed bank. National Professor Kabir Chowdhury, Prof Deen Mohammad and Prof Azizur Rahman have taken initiative for setting up Self Employment Bank (New banks to join a saturated market, Rejaul Karim Byron. 29 July 2011, Daily Star).

Crisis after crisis are being born and created. Yes, present is full of ambiguities, past is hunting with or without reasons and future appears to be unpredictable. Reports of the Transparency International in particular from 1991 down to 2011 carry testimonies of tons of files on corruption in various sectors of the governments.

In spite of all these factors and trends in the negative box of development, the economy of Bangladesh is a rapidly developing market-based economy. Its per capita income in 2010 was set US$1,700 (adjusted by purchasing power parity). According to the International Monetary Fund Bangladesh ranked as the 43rd largest economy in the world in 2010 in PPP(purchasing-power parity)terms and 57th largest in nominal terms, among the Next Eleven or N-11 of Goldman Sachs and D-8 economies, with a gross domestic product of US$269.3 billion in PPP terms and US$104.9 billion in nominal terms. The economy has grown at the rate of 6-7% p.a. over the past few years. More than half of the GDP belongs to the service sector, a major number of nearly half of Bangladeshis are employed in the agriculture sector, with RMG, textiles, leather, jute, fish, vegetables, leather and leather goods, ceramics, fruits as other important produce.

Remittances from Bangladeshis working overseas, mainly in the Middle East are the major source of foreign exchange earnings; exports of garments and textiles are the other main sources of foreign exchange earnings. Ship building and cane cultivation have become a major force of growth. GDP's rapid growth due to sound financial control and regulations has also contributed to its growth. However, foreign direct investment is yet to rise significantly. Bangladesh has made major strides in its human development index.

The land is devoted mainly to rice and jute cultivation as well as fruits and produce, although wheat production has increased in recent years; the country is largely self-sufficient in rice production. Bangladesh’s growth of its agro industries is due to its rich deltaic fertile land that depends on its six seasons and multiple harvests.

Improving at a very fast rate, infrastructure to support transportation, communications, power supply and water distribution are rapidly developing. Bangladesh is limited in its reserves of oil but recently there was huge development in gas and coal mining. The service sector has expanded rapidly during last two decades, the country's industrial base remains very positive. The country's main endowments include its vast human resource base, rich agricultural land, relatively abundant water, and substantial reserves of natural gas, with the blessing of possessing the world’s only natural sea ports in Mongla and Chittagong, in addition to being the only central port linking two large burgeoning economic hub groups SAARC and ASEAN.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon announced in the UN on Monday, 16 January 2012 that his top priorities for this year will be promoting ‘sustainable development’ and negotiating a legally binding pact on climate change. As environment has been taken as one of fundamentals of ‘sustainable development’, climate change resulting in global warming is now a leading point of focus and discussion all over the world. Since the industrial revolution, economic growth has advanced dramatically. Affluent nations have recklessly used fossil fuels to meet the needs of their hyper-consumer society. 20% per cent population of the industrialized world is using 83% percent of world’s resources. Further armed conflicts or wars have also devastating impact on the environment as well. The other side of the picture is poverty in developing countries causes environmental degradation. Therefore, industrialized countries are the major polluters. Most scientists now agree that global warming has been caused by human activities. The environmentalists maintain that the future would be a better place if critical nature of umbilical relationship between environment and human activities were fully grasped.

Carbon dioxide produced mainly by burning fossil fuels, such as coal and petroleum and also from the production of cement is the main greenhouse gas that scientists say is heating up the atmosphere, causing seas to rise and greater extremes of weather. Hence, global warming has emerged as is a big threat o environment.

Experts further say temperature will eventually cause the ice melt at the poles of the earth, raising overall ocean levels and flooding low-lying areas. Global warming is also believed to have already caused disruptions in weather. The net result will not simple be warmer temperature, but will include more severe winters, stronger hurricanes and cyclones, droughts and floods. However, there is a counter but minority view that the connection between the greenhouse gas and ocean levels remains unproved.

Highlights on the Climate Change starting from 1972 Stockholm Conference on Environment to the Earth Summit of 1992 to Kyoto Protocol of 1997 (Kyoto is based on the UNFCCC doctrine of “common but differentiated responsibilities) to Copenhagen Conference of 2009 to the Cancun Climate Conference of 2010 to the Durban Conference of 2011are, in fact, a kind of clear manifestation of the sincere, coordinated, committed approaches and strategies, national, regional and global, of the nations of the world to face the challenges being posed by such change alarmingly upsetting and disrupting the foundations of the ongoing march of developments. There is a prediction released on the basis of a very in-depth and comprehensive study by the UN Inter-governmental Penal on Climate Change(IPCC), based in Geneva, that it s confident enough to project a 3C rise on the average global daily temperature by the end of the 21^st century if no action is taken to cut greenhouse gas emissions.

Bangladesh has become one of the most vulnerable states to climate change and global warming because of its coastal zone covering about 30% of the country. A Report of UK Department for International Development (DFID) of 2007 presents a bleak picture of Bangladesh by 2030. The report said an additional of 6.7% of Bangladesh will be permanently under water and flood-prone areas will increase from 25% to 40% by 2050. According to recent Report of Climate experts 17% of Bangladesh’s territory would likely to be submerged under water and about 30 million people will be homeless by 2050, according to Equity and Justice Working Group, Bangladesh (Daily Star, 21 June 2009).

Another danger is that the Asian Brown Cloud has been floating over South Asia including Bangladesh. South East Asia and parts of China consists of a toxic cocktail of ash, acids, aerosols and other toxic particles and it is a grave threat to the millions of people in Asia entailing Bangladesh.

If a portion of Bangladesh’s territory is eaten away in future, the country will be faced with millions of refugees adding further challenges to the ongoing process of sustainable development. That’s why Bangladesh’s strong voice on climate change covering possible causes, feedbacks, victims, remedies and strategies is well heard at various national, regional and international bodies and forums. Bangladesh is now a recognized a leader of the climate vulnerable countries in the world. Holding of the ministerial level conference of the world’s most climate vulnerable countries in Bangladesh on 14 November 2011 was a reconfirmation to her marked standing in this sphere. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon in his speech noted with a sense of great caution and necessity that ‘Some of the countries most affected by climate change should be an "inspiration" to rich nations on how to reduce their emissions.

Speaking at the Climate Vulnerable forum -- which brings together countries most affected by climate change -- Ban praised low-lying nations such as the Maldives, Costa Rica and Samoa for committing to be carbon neutral.."In this time of global economic uncertainty, let (these countries') commitment to green growth be an inspiration to more developed countries -- the major emitters," he said.

He said it was unfair, however, to "ask the poorest and most vulnerable to bear the brunt of the impact of climate change alone" and called for the release of agreed funds for poor countries to adapt to global warming.

The meeting in Dhaka is for 18 countries most affected by climate change to agree a united front ahead of UN talks in Durban, South Africa in December where a "Green Climate Fund" will be negotiated.

The forum is a response to the fact that the pace of international climate negotiations is "very slow and inadequate" said Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, speaking at the opening on Monday.

Ban also praised low-lying and deeply impoverished Bangladesh for becoming a "world leader in disaster preparedness."

Using early warning systems and community volunteers, Bangladesh has significantly reduced the number of people who die during cyclones, showing the world that "natural hazards need not cause human catastrophe," Ban said.

Bangladesh is building more cyclone shelters, extending its climate resistance agricultural scheme, planting greenery along coastal belts to fight climate change -- all using its money from its domestic climate fund, Hasina said.

"We are bearing the brunt of the damage though we made negligible or no contribution to the menace. This constitutes a serious injustice... and demands immediate rectification and remedy," she said (http://www.france24.com/en/20111114-climate-vulnerable-countries-meet-bangladesh). Truly speaking, both the developed and developing countries that are mainly responsible for the emissions of greenhouse gas are not playing their role in consonance with the Kyoto Protocol. Newly emerged emitting countries from the fold of developing nations are insisting that it is an inescapable obligation of developed countries to repay their ‘historic debt’ for emission of greenhouse gas causing threats to the developing countries over the past years since the industrial revolution. Therefore, going back to the level of pre-industrial stage should be followed and affirmed by them first of all. Because of the debates leading to non-consensus on this vital issue Kyoto Protocol was just renewed up to 2017 at the Durban Conference of 2011 so that the major partners by this time may find avenues to come to an understanding for striking a binding treaty in future.

Bangladesh is getting all sorts of possible cooperation and assistance to meet with the challenges in her own perspectives and she shall be in a better position to get more funds and supports from the ‘common fund’ following the renewal of the Kyoto Protocol until 2017.What is more curious to note is that initiatives at home for not to allow any further escalation in this regard are not promising at all from legal and operational standpoints. Giving birth to a new ministry of Environment is just one step forward, although proper infrastructure and legal frame are yet to be settled with much care and labor. Neither the regimes in the past did play not the regime at present truly does play definite, constructive role to look into the matter internally. On the one hand rivers, howars, canals, lakes, ponds, forests, hills etc have become easy victims of such escalation, natural or man-made, and on the other, factories and industries, different kinds of vehicles entailing bus, trucks, cars, auto-tempos, trains, ships, and engine-propelled boats and so on are adding a lot for further degeneration of climate change. Furthermore, building of barrages and dams around Bangladesh by India violating the international laws, rules and regulation have posed a great threat to the climate change of Bangladesh. The impact of Farakka Barrage on Bangladesh is a glaring example of it.

Therefore, a logical asking is how to face the challenges in the real sense of theory and practice in Bangladesh perspective?

Now there needs a new revolution and rethinking so that economic development may find proper avenues to flourish without being disturbed much by other areas such as democracy(politics, political parties, parliament, party/coalition-in power and oppositions), good governance and human rights. Yes, a kind of blend with a priority to economic development is a call of time. Few points are important here. Firstly, to set a broad-based vision and mission in the light of theory and practice taking into account all sorts of possibilities, probabilities and certainties in and around; secondly, reflections of such vision and mission in the five year plan; thirdly, reflections of five year plan on the annual budget making it duly not be over ambitious and over deficit, which in course of time undergoes a kind of serious curtailment posing threats to ADP; fourthly, concern of total debt, which now amounts more than 20 billion US dollar constituting 20% of the total national budget of over 140 billion dollar. Comparing with the results of other low-income countries, Bangladesh is actually one of the highest indebted countries in terms of both net present value (NPV), debt to government revenues, and public debt service to government revenues; fifthly, increasing rate of non-utilization of foreign aid to ADP (stood at approximately 16.5 million US dollar in January 2011) due to poor efficiency, management and bureaucratic hurdles and sixthly, decreasing rate of inflow of foreign aid because of the overall economic landscapes in the world and the donors. Here remains no better option than to pay attention to the maximum and best exploitation and utilization of resources at home ranging from human to natural resources pointedly.

Hence, Bangladeshi leadership shall have to take into account realistically what priority Bangladesh needs today. Should Bangladesh continue the prevailing nature and tempo of development? Or should the concept of economic development be the leading question of the day? Or should Bangladesh with domestic and external constraints and limitations be more daring in adopting a model in Bangladesh perspective?

Let the nation welcome and congratulate Obaidul Quader, member of the presidium of AL, for his historic, courageous and relentless voicing and echoing the call, need, sentiment and urge of time in spite of his having been within the fold of grand coalition Preferably we don’t like to see Bangladesh’s status in the alert category of failed states index starting from 2005 to 20011,which is indeed also a message to all who fell and realize that politics is by the people, of the people and for the people and thus, a political leader survives, lives and continues with the head high in pride and it is manifested demonstrably when he dares to leave no space between words and deeds. Let others, ruling or opposition, be inspired and dauntless standing by the people. May Allah bless us all and long live Bangladesh.

Last and sequence-4 (resultant feedbacks of the PLD on Bangladesh’s external standing)

When there is an unguarded oscillation on domestic issues its resultant blasts are also well-reflected on its foreign policy. Constitutionally, Bangladesh foreign policy is modeled and shaped pursuant to the articles 25, 25(1),145 and 145A with further strict adherence to the aphorism ‘Friendship to all, malice to none’. Her standing as a model adherent to Vienna Convention 1961 is well recognized. But on question of her failure to frame a broad-based, comprehensive, accommodative, durable and sound foreign policy attaching due importance to the principles of change and continuity(meaning rise and fall of government hardly affect the ongoing journey of relations, bi-lateral, regional and international, and protocols, pacts, agreements and treaties are usually upheld by the succeeding governments) she has to meet with an oft-quoted allegation that in its austere interpretations and analyses Bangladesh has no foreign policy, but maintains foreign relations only as a make-shift arrangement.

To speak in the superlatives, Political leaderships played nakedly in the past and, regrettably, present is not at bay from such practices, hidden or open. Here regime security and party interests prevail over state security and national interests. Foreign interference with domestic matters under the cover of development partners is a kind of routine work and such pavements have largely been made and cemented mostly cautiously or recklessly or inadvertently by our political leaderships since 1971. Again the concept of globalization has added a new forward motion to it. Thus, Bangladesh, at the dire denial of the Vienna Convention 1961, has become a fertile land for foreign inference in various forms and dimensions. What a wonder it is that even a counselor or Charge d, affairs off and often feels free to pass comments on our politics and internal matters. Media, electronic and print, are not lagging behind in a race to give them wide coverage and thus playing a role in sustaining the fashion.

Genesis and continuance of so many ‘pro’ such as pro-India, pro-China, pro-Pakistan, pro-Saudi Arabia, pro-USA and even pro-Iran are a great reality of the time. People are well acquainted with the names of intelligence agencies like CIA, RAW, ISI, MI-6, KGB, MOSAD and so on. Intelligentsia and professional bodies, excepting a few, sense relaxed and take prides to get entangled in the process. Brain- mortgage is now not only a disease but also a contagious.

Bangladesh’s geographical location in this region of south and south east Asia is characterized with two realities one is it connects south Asia and south east Asia through her border with Myanmar on the south east that thus has become a bridge between south Asia and south east Asia and the other is Bangladesh is land-locked on the three fronts, excepting the south which stretches to the Bay of Bengal,, by her big neighbor India with 4100 km borders, 161 enclaves, vital maritime demarcation knots and all the 54 rivers entering her from Himalaya through India.

Bangladesh is in a state of acute politico-diplomatic challenges on point of bi-literalism mainly with India, now a rising continental power, since our major and maximum problems lays with India. With due respect and recognition to the historic role of India in our war of liberation leading to the birth of Bangladesh, it must be noted ironically that in Bangladesh few currents are very much in force about India that entails, inter alia, the Indo-phobic Bangladesh at the mass level and India-friendly Bangladesh at the government level and geography tells us to be with India but history tells us to be at bay from her. It is also held by many analysts and strategists that the Indian foreign policy is based predominantly on ‘Nehru doctrine’ otherwise called ‘India doctrine’ aimed at ‘the supremacy of India in the sub-continent’ and Guzrul’s doctrine that focuses on the theme ‘the peaceful co-existence needs more sacrifices from the big’ is just an intellectual exercise, which may prima facie have some appeal to the south bloc for strategic reasons or otherwise.

But, senseless to utter twice that India is our big neighbor, she should be our best friend and there must be pragmatic ways and means to solve the problems, old or new, for the benefits of the both. Our leaderships in the past could not go beyond a point due to short of mutually rewarding formula. It is also true to a large extent that on our part lack of bold initiatives cemented with vision and mission of forward-looking leadership and diplomacy are also held to be responsible for such debacle.

Bangabandhu Administration (1972-1975) was preoccupied with the matters related to the effects of the war of liberation, and post-liberation. State-building, consolidations of national unity, recognition by foreign states and establishing ties, bi-lateral, regional and international, thereto were the prime concerns of the time. Because of the regime’s siding with the Indo-Soviet axis no remarkable state of relations were initiated with the capitalist bloc headed by USA and Islamic Countries in the Middle East including Saudi Arabia. Mujib’s secularism was highly misunderstood as a ’deviation from religion’ or ‘no religion’ to the spirit of the majority people of Bangladesh by most of the members of OIC. India-Bangladesh Relations were founded on Twenty Five- Year Friendship Treaty concluded by Mujib and Indira in 1972. Despite, Bangabandhu made a breakthrough to establish ties with Islamic ummah through his joining the OIC summit in March 1974 in Pakistan at the annoyance of India. Pakistan’s recognition to Bangladesh in February 1974 as a pre-condition to attend the summit at Lahore was one of the great successes of Mujib.

Zia Administration (1977-1981) grappled mostly with regime’s security and zia’s initiatives to build up strong ties with Islamic Ummah (brotherhood) with his ideological appeal of ‘Bangladeshi nationalism’ was one of the dazzling points of his foreign policy. During this time article 145A was added to the Constitution. Because of Zia’s U-turn policy of pro-Socialistic move of the pre-1975 regime of Bangabandhu, Bangladesh relations with western world in particular with USA and China (China recognized Bangladesh immediately after the change of 1975) took a turning point. A kind of overhauling also took place in the field of so far strained relations between Bangladesh and Pakistan. Bangladesh-India relations although apparently saw a ray of hope at the initial phase because of the non-Congress government led by M. Deshai at Delhi, but it soon became dim with the assumption of power of Indira Gandhi in 1979 and so continued remaining at the lowest ebb. Later Farakka issue was taken to UN and internationalized critically.

Earshad Administration (1982-1990) was in an acute crisis in the face of domestic challenges from AL, BNP and others and he has been branded by many as following recapitualistic foreign policy mostly tilted in favor of India without having any broad-based vision and mission in mind. Regime security was the prime concern that hunted his foreign policy all the time. He played a role indeed to establish and maintain friendly ties with the leaders of the world of his time entailing those of the Muslim countries in the Middle East. Bangladesh met with a very favorable flow of foreign aid during his time. His achievement in putting into reality the formation of SAARC as a dependable regional forum aimed at building, strengthening and consolidating multi-lateral approach to the solutions of the issues and problems at Dhaka in 1985 through holding the summit of the Heads of States and Governments of the seven countries in South Asia must be recalled duly. Khaleda Zia Administration firstly, from 1991-1996 and secondly from 2001-2006 made virtually no breakthrough in this regard. Period from 2006-2008, the era of Non-Party, Neutral Care-Taker Government backed by the Defense Forces might be considered as a hopscotch bending towards India in the honest sense of the term.

Hasina Administration from 1996-2001, unlike her father Bangabandhu’s government, in fact, made a departure from the past at least on two leading points. One was her drive to enter politically, to speak the truth, even before the elections to the sixth Parliament in 1996, into the grown-up mindset of Indo-phobic Bangladesh at the mass level (which was for a long nursed, used and captured solely by the rightist bloc led by BNP with a memo of Bangladeshi nationalism) and the other was her dynamic initiatives to resolve the outstanding issues between India and Bangladesh including Chittagong Hill Tracts Treaty, Farakka Water Sharing Treaty. Hasina’s second term in power is remarkable for many reasons and one of the perceptions being publicized by the opposition including BNP and Jamat is that India’s direct back-up helped her to win and form the government. Bangladesh-India Relations have been termed as a ‘Role model’ by the Indian foreign minister Krisna during his visit to Bangladesh from 6-8 July 20011. But reality shows that her sincere initiatives are not getting due reciprocity by her counterpart in India Her visit to India in 2010 followed a series of MOUs, protocols and agreements and Indian PM Monmohan’s counter visit to Bangladesh from 6-7 September 2011 without a settlement of pre-determined burning issues including Testta Barrage do not match and reflect the sayings and doings of India. Even Indian leaders, businessmen, industrialists, bureaucrats and high officials of various folds and faiths do not feel squeezed to utter the favors Hasina administration accorded and extended to India. Monmohan himself is one of best appreciators of Hasina in this regard.

Hasina’s personal rapports with Gandhi family and now with Sonia Gandhi in particular who visited Bangladesh prior to PM Monmohan’s visit here reminds us all how cordially she expressed her mindset to Bangabandhu, to Hasina and to Bangladesh. Rahul Gandhi, Member of the Indian Parliament and son of Sonia Gandhi/Rajib Gandhi visited Bangladesh from 1st August to 5th August 2008. Rahul, future leader of Congress and prospective Indian Prime Minister, is now also one of the General Secretaries of the Indian Congress. PriyankaVadra, daughter of Sonia/Ragib Gandhi, also came to Bangladesh for a two-day tour from 1st September to 2nd September2008.Both of them came here to see the ongoing activities of BRAC and Grammen Bank, All these indicate that members of the Gandhi family are at cordial mood and mode with Bangladesh in meticulous.

Hasina’s ‘Two India Policy’ one for India as a whole and the other for India’s bordering states with Bangladesh is indeed a pragmatic politico-diplomatic drive, which she initiated formidably during her first term in 1996-2001.For reasons not yet clear at all, she seems to be hurdled somewhere, although her historic moves are now at the peak to make a breakthrough.There is no denying the fact that If India fails to miss the train this time, Hasina may also feel unavoidable compulsion in the light of the crudest reality to enter into the zone of ‘Indo phobic Bangladesh at the mass level and India friendly Bangladesh at the government level’, a long nursed fertile ground for the rightists in Bangladesh. One cannot out rightly reject the musical power of this maxim at least on question of getting people united against the misdeeds and non-cooperation of India. Let us see how the matters are actually now dealt by Hasina Government voted to power through the election in 2008 (attention to my articles ‘Indian’s PM Comment, aftermath and his forthcoming visit, Dhaka Courier, 15 July 2011 and Bangladesh-India Relations: Centre of attention, Financial Express, 4 September 2011).

Hardly there is any political difference other than ideological metaphors between AL and BNP on foreign policy matters excepting the modes of handling the matters related to India, Pakistan and China. So, careful attention needs to be given so that Bangladesh-China Relation, Bangladesh-USA Relation, Bangladesh-Pakistan Relation, Bangladesh-UK Relations, Bangladesh-Myanmar Relation, Bangladesh-Nepal Relation, Bangladesh-Srilanka Relation, even Bangladesh-Saudi Arabia Relation and so on might be not disturbed or influenced by Bangladesh-India Relations. Therefore, Bangladesh leaderships have to ensure that and thus put into action a sound, comprehensive, broad-based, forward-looking foreign policy based on change and continuity. I believe that we have a viable, stable foreign policy but I also feel we need more up to date and viable one to meet with challenges bi-laterally, regionally and internationally in the era of globalization marked with a great revolution of science and technology. One of the most important aspects of our foreign policy is that Bangladesh strongly needs to produce a pool of diplomats, professional or otherwise, to face the challenges, present or future, with vision, mission, commitments, knowledge and experience having in mind afresh the sense of patriotism all the time. Hence, the ongoing trend of cronyism in the mode of political appointments, promotions and postings must have to be recast, re judged accordingly. Foreign ministry cannot be considered as a transit station for political purposes of any regime.

What our political leaderships say and follow on bi-lateral, regional and international matters while in power do the reverse when go back to the opposition and in the end created a vicious circle and circular polemics. Such double-standard is really a tragedy for our foreign policy. It’s a tragedy with more vehemence, velocity and casualties than that of Greek tragedy. This can only be stopped provided there is a consensus on foreign policy and on external matters, bi-lateral, regional and international, between or among the political parties, in particular between the two major political parties AL and BNP, which are assuming power by rotation through the verdict of the electorate by means of elections since the very re-start of parliamentary democracy in 1991after a lapse of15-year(Visit ‘Three-phase national consensus formula: Bangladesh Perspective in www.sinhaearthblog.blogspot.com).

Indices including the Failed States Indices, starting from 2005-2011, also unfurl before our political leaderships that for better future pragmatic steps and measures, qualified or unqualified, have no alternatives and Bangladesh’s standing at bi-lateral, regional and international areas cannot be isolated from her domestic landscape.

We the people are innocent, as if sandwiched between the two major political parties AL and BNP. We do not like to see our status in the ‘alert’ location of FSIs in the coming days. We also do not like to listen to the music dependence under the mask of foreign aids Let us be firm, strong and stout about our vision and mission. Let the phobia and dilemmas of globalization be set and reset after the very spirit of Bangladesh’s perspective. May Allah bless us, save us and protect us. Long live Bangladesh.